(obedient, self-discipline, politeness, honouring parents and elders, loyal, responsible)
He presented the structural model of basic values which takes the form of a circle. Complementary values, i.e., values that are similar to motivational content, are located side by side on this circle while competing values are located at opposing sides [ 18 , 19 ]. The closer any two values in either direction around the circle, the more similar their underlying motivations; the more distant, the more antagonistic their motivations [ 19 ]. It seems that the whole set of ten values relates to each other closely or distantly and by that mean they may interrelate with any other variable such as behaviour, attitude, age, etc. ( Figure 1 ).
Theoretical model of relations among ten motivational types of values.
The concept of values has been defined differently in the literature depending on the contexts and the situations. However, along with the rapid changes in the world, the concepts of values and value education have gained renewed attention due to the increased social immorality [ 21 ]. Value education can address different forms and definitions. In religious senses, it is most possibly defined as moral and spiritual development. To sociological concepts, it can be termed as the part of socialisation and personality development or the transmission of cultural elements. In the dimension of education, it is addressed through citizenship education. However, in the most general sense, value education stresses the process by which people develop moral values and transfer them through factors such as social relationships, religion and education.
The values, attitudes and personal qualities of young people and the role of the school in spiritual, moral, social and cultural development have received renewed attention in recent years [ 21 , 22 , 23 ]. As education is a personality-building process [ 24 ], school education is challenged by preparing students to face the complexities of future life. Rapidly changing socioeconomic structures and their consequences in terms of patterns of work, family life and social relationships requires an educational response. In that context, experts have recognised the 21st century school curriculum as the most influential mode of transferring values to the younger generation other than the family and other immediate social units. Sahin [ 16 ] suggests that implicit or planned values education in schools plays an active role in transferring values from society to society. By its definition, value education refers to those pedagogies that educators use to create enriching learning experiences for students and addresses issues related to character formation [ 25 ] and moral development. Moral values are the values that make individuals distinguish between what is good or bad and right or wrong and simply it gives the ideas about the good personal and social life. Halstead and Tylor [ 21 ] refer to a discussion document on Spiritual and Moral Development and highlight that the moral values that school should promote are telling the truth, keeping promises, respecting the rights and property of others, acting considerately towards others, helping those less fortunate and weaker than ourselves, taking personal responsibility for one’s actions and self-discipline. Moreover, schools reject bullying, cheating, deceit, cruelty, irresponsibility and dishonesty.
Sahin [ 16 ] has identified the four main characteristics of values education as:
Sahin [ 16 ] views the main purpose of values education as to make values permanent behaviours in students. Providing students with the knowledge and insight into values and beliefs that enables them to reflect on their experience in a way that develop their spiritual awareness and self-knowledge, teaches them the principles which distinguish right from wrong and teaches students to appreciate their cultural traditions and the diversity and richness of other cultures are among the basic functional aspects of value education provided through the school education [ 21 ]. Accordingly, the particular theme of value education is directly related to inculcating moral values in students, and it can be identified as another phase of personal value development since the same aspects are named and described in personal value models and frameworks in more or less similar terms. For example, the features that institutions wish to promote through moral or value education are discussed in the ten basic values in Schwartz theory of basic values under the themes of conformity, benevolence, tradition, security and universalism. As Schwartz [ 19 ] views, benevolence and conformity values both promote cooperative and supportive social relations and both values may motivate the same helpful act, separately or together. Traditional values imply one’s affection towards religious beliefs and respect for tradition and customs while security values inspire one’s need for safety and harmony. Hence, through value education, it develops values such as conformity, security, universalism and benevolence.
In developing values in individuals, it is widely recognised that schools are not the only nor are they the greatest influence on the values, attitudes and personal qualities of young people, but parents, communities and other agencies are also influential [ 21 ]. The early-stage value development through the family, neighbours, practice of religion, culture and nursery forms the foundation for the personal values system that one holds. It can be further sharpened through the formal and informal educational and cultural practices in the school or any other institution.
Approaches to learning mainly focus on how children engage in learning referring to the use of skills and behaviours. In addition, they are discussed incorporating emotional, behavioural and cognitive domains. Learning is a process of changing behaviour through experiences and is relatively a permanent product. Hence, it is important to understand student learning approaches to improve and maintain the quality of the learning experience. Beyaztas and Senemoglu [ 26 ] define learning approaches in terms of how a learner’s intentions, behaviours and study habits change according to their perception of a learning task to the context which the learner regards.
According to Lietz and Matthews [ 27 ] two major perspectives have guided theory and research into student learning: The first is The Self-Regulated Learning (SRL) rooted in North America, and the second is The Students’ Approaches to Learning (SAL) that is prominent in Europe and Australia/Southeast Asia. In parallel to that, Matthews et al. (2007) [ 3 ] cite Biggs’ [ 28 ] findings on Asian student learning approaches, and according to it, learning is based on two types: the Information Processing Approach and the Contextually and Experientially Based Learning Approach. The above findings specifically refer to the geographical region and it is reasonable to pose the argument that the variation patterns in learning approaches are existing to the sociogeographical factors such as country, region and culture.
Biggs [ 29 , 30 ] specified three distinct approaches (see Table 2 ) to learning namely, The Surface, The Deep and The Achieving approaches to learning [ 3 , 27 ]. In addition, each approach is composed of a motivation that directed learning and a strategy for the implementation of the learning approach [ 3 ].
Motivations and strategies in student approaches to learning.
Approach | Motive | Strategy |
---|---|---|
Surface Motivation (SM) is instrumental: to meet requirements minimally; a balance between working too hard and failing | Surface Strategy (SS) is reproductive: to limit the target to bare essentials and reproduce through rote learning | |
Deep Motivation (DM) is intrinsic: study to actualize interest in what is being learned; to develop competence | Deep Strategy (DS) is meaningful: read widely, interrelating with previous relevant knowledge | |
in academic subjects Achieving Motivation (AM) is based on competition and ego-enhancement: to obtain the highest grades, whether or not material is interesting | Achieving Strategy (AS) is based on organising time and working space; to follow up suggestions; behave like a ‘model’ student |
Note. MNNote. Matthews et al. (2007) [ 3 ] following Biggs [ 29 ] and Murray-Harvey [ 31 ].
Li’s [ 32 ] perspective on student learning approaches is quite different from the above and states that students are smart in different ways and have different learning approaches. According to Na Li, the two major perspectives of learning are the constructivist and student-centred learning approaches: Inquiry-based learning, Problem-based learning, the Situated and embodied cognition model, Self-regulated learning and Cognitive apprenticeship model and Technology-enhanced learning approaches.
Research into learning approaches has focused on studying the impact of background factors such as gender, sociocultural backgrounds, discipline area, personal values and the learning culture of students. As highlighted by Lietz and Matthews [ 27 ], Cano-Garcia [ 33 ] has shown that older female students tended to score higher on the deep and achieving approaches to learning than younger male students. In addition, studies of Jones et al. [ 34 ] and Smith and Miller [ 35 ] reflected strong relationships between learning approaches and academic disciplines. Beyaztas and Senemoglu [ 26 ] reveal another dimension of research on learning approaches in relation to the examination on students’ learning and studying behaviour towards exams and exam types. Results of these interventions revealed that students’ learning approaches change according to the examination type they were preparing for and Ramsden [ 36 ] has proposed strategic learning approaches for students who have more exam-oriented study behaviours.
Another major area that researchers concentrated is changes in the learning approach over time. A number of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies have investigated changes in learning approaches over time [ 3 , 10 , 37 ]. Both Lietz and Matthews [ 27 ] and Tarabashkina and Lietz [ 10 ] refer to the same group of studies that investigated changes in learning approaches over time. As they arranged into the chronological order the earliest, Watkins and Hattie’s [ 38 ] study on a sample of undergraduate students found that the longer students had studied, the more they displayed characteristics of the deep approach to learning. Contrary to the results of their first study, Watkins and Hattie’s longitudinal study [ 39 ] showed no evidence of students’ deep learning approaches intensifying over time. However, Biggs [ 29 ] reported a general decline in the deep approach from the first to final year of study in a sample of undergraduate students in Australia. However, no significant changes were observed for other learning approaches. In the study by Gow and Kember [ 40 ], results showed that older students used the deep approach significantly more often than younger students. In addition, students at the beginning of their studies appeared to prefer an achieving approach compared to students who were further advanced in their studies. In addition, the more time that had elapsed since leaving school, the fewer the number of students who displayed characteristics of the surface approach. In another study by Kember [ 41 ], it was uncovered that younger students showed a preference for a more superficial approach in a comparison of first, second and third-year students. In contrast to the results of his study in 1990 [ 40 ], he found that first-year students showed significantly higher scores on the deep approach to learning than second and third-year students. Zeegers’s [ 42 ] study on a class of chemistry students over 30 months has shown a significant decline in the achieving strategy and a significant increase in the surface strategy over the time of the study. For the deep approach, no statistically significant changes emerged over time. Another study carried out by Matthews [ 3 ] on the same issue discovered that students’ approaches to learning generally became deeper over time. In contrast, Cano’s [ 33 ] study observed a significant decline from junior to senior high school with regards to the deep and surface learning approaches both in boys and girls.
In general, preference for a deep learning approach has emerged as the major concern of all studies, and there is no specific pattern of applying a particular approach for learning among the students. Hence, there may be some other background factors influencing the selection and application as well as the changing of a specific approach to learning. In the point of factors affecting students’ learning approaches, Beyaztas and Senemoglu [ 26 ] summarize the 3P model (Presage, Process and Product), and according to it, prior knowledge, abilities, preferred ways of learning, values and expectations, teaching context (including the curriculum) and teaching methods affect the student’s selection.
As revealed through the research studies, approaches to learning are probable to change in response to gender, ability, formal teaching authority, time, personal values [ 3 , 27 ], the requirements of and as an adaptation to new environments, the learning culture and the academic discipline and its nature [ 10 , 27 ]. Additionally, as Beyaztas and Senemoglu [ 26 ] state, referring to an early study of Ramsden [ 36 ], students’ perception of their teachers and departments also have important effects on their learning approaches. In addition, the curriculum and sociocultural environment also may have an effect on selecting the learning approach. Thus, it can be concluded that students’ preference for learning approach is influenced by several factors and they may be inborn or situational. In other words, learning approached may be a result of a combination of several internal and external factors including personal value traits.
This research is based on a systematic review of the literature with a narrative summary that exclusively depended on online databases. The predetermined selection criteria, which are given in Table 3 , were applied during the database search screening of the text titles, abstracts and whole texts.
Inclusion and exclusion criteria.
Type of Criterian | Creiteria | Inclusion | Exclusion |
---|---|---|---|
Type of publication | Journal articles | ||
Conference papers | * | ||
Reports | * | ||
Dissertations | |||
Books | * | ||
Access | Online | * | |
Paper | * | ||
Publication period | 2000–2020 | * | |
Place of publication | World wide | * | |
Types of study | Emphirical studies | * | |
Theoritical studies | * | ||
Research methods | Quantitaive | * | |
Qualitative | * | ||
Mixed | * |
Following the above-mentioned criteria, full texts that were reported within 20 years were purposely selected due to the availability of a limited number of accessible resources to retrieve the literature. In relation to the year of publication, the search action was conducted with the use of online databases. As the main sources of data, Google Scholar, JSTOR and Elsevier were used. The ResearchGate database was also used for the search of resources.
The comprehensive search resources were completed based on a wide range of key terms and phrases including “values”, “personal values”, “learning approaches”, “learning communities” and “learning approaches—academic achievement and value education”. However, similar terms that are often used interchangeably in the literature were also used. In particular, with regards to the concepts of personal values and value education, they have also been searched through the terms “humanistic values”, “soft skills”, “social skills” and “moral education”.
As the search action resulted in a limited number of appropriate and accessible sources, the reference section of the found texts were studied in the search for more relevant texts. After the exclusion of sources that did not satisfy the criteria in Table 3 , 38 texts were selected for analysis. The content of the selected resources was studied and analysed in detail. Then, the required data were organized under four main themes following the study objectives.
In the most general sense, approaches to learning describe what a student does when he/she is learning and why he/she should do it. In other words, it is the way that students perceive and value the learning process and how they behave during the process. As suggested by the aforementioned facts and information, education correlates with personal values. Hence, a considerable number of educational studies have been carried out to examine the composition and structure of personal values and their relationships with learning approaches. Values are considered to be precursors as well as predictors of behaviour [ 3 ]. In the same way, studies have proven that a tendency towards certain types of behaviours depends strongly on the structure of one’s values. Conversely, learning can be seen as a type of individual-specific behavioural pattern. In that respect, it is justifiable to accept that there is a relationship between personal values and the learning approaches of students. In addition, the values are believed to be influenced by background factors such as religion, culture, political factors, age and many others. Assuming that they also definitely influence in preference of a student’s learning approach, research into learning approaches has focused on a variety of backgrounds. According to Lietz and Matthews [ 27 ], research studies have focused on studying the differences in choice of learning approach and personal values relationships depending on gender, discipline area of study, prior performance and the experiences of students, especially the students who undertake higher education in another country. With regards to personal values, researchers in this context have confirmed that values are correlated with different learning approaches.
The influence of personal values on life goals are better described as follows: “values refer to desirable goals that motivate action” [ 19 ]. Wilding and Andrew’s [ 43 ] study results of “Life goals, approaches to study and performance in an undergraduate cohort” can be discussed taking that as the ground. According to them, the deep approach and the surface approach are the two main approaches to studying that have been distinguished by several researchers. In addition, an achieving or strategic approach employs either deep or surface strategies, depending on the demands of the task. The research aimed to investigate factors contributing to the choice of the preferred study approach at university and relations between these factors and academic performance. Based on the results, as the researchers state, this study has shown that approaches to study are related to wider attitudes to life or the general life goals and relations were found to be consistent with the deep approach being associated with altruistic life goals and the surface approach being associated with wealth and status life goals. The achieving approach was related to both types of life goal, but more strongly to wealth and status life goals.
The most frequently referred research of Matthews [ 3 ] on sojourner students in Australia has found interesting relationships between values and learning approaches. From the three pairs of canonical variables that emerged out of the analysis the first pair of variables illustrated that students with clearly defined value structure had equally well-defined learning motivations and strategies. The second pair of variables showed that students who had low integrity values showed a higher preference for surface or superficial learning. In contrast, the third pair of variables indicated that students who had a lesser emphasis on values associated with the Confucian ethos showed a strong preference for the deep strategy [ 3 ].
In the study of “Values and Learning approaches of students at an international University”, Matthews, Lietz and Darmawan [ 3 ] relate the ten values postulated by Schwartz et al. [ 18 ] to Biggs’ [ 29 ] six subscales and the relationships between values and approaches to learning has been estimated by canonical correlation analysis. It has revealed that values can be linked to learning approaches even in a situation where students have left their home countries to undertake tertiary studies in a new social, cultural and educational environment. There, the results have been interpreted to the higher-order values: self-aggrandisement, conservatism, self-directedness and benevolent change, which were initially termed as self-enhancement, self-transcendence, openness to change and conservation, respectively, as proposed by Schwartz [ 18 ]. Four distinct pairings between values and learning approaches were established: (a) self-aggrandisement (Achievement and power values) is linked to the achievement learning approach, (b) conservatism (universalism and benevolence values) relates to the surface learning approach, (c) self-directedness (self-direction and stimulation values) is linked to the deep learning approach and (d) benevolent change (conformity, tradition and security values) is related to the learning strategies variables were emerged as the results.
In terms of the main research question, the impact of students’ personal values on learning approaches and changes in them over time of Lietz and Matthews [ 27 ] longitudinal study on “The Effects of College Students’ Personal Values on Changes in Learning Approaches” has given mixed results. The three-year study results have shown no changes within students in the deep and surface approaches to learning but a significant decline for the achieving approach, particularly for students who previously experienced a more formal teaching authority. As they described, the students who identified to a greater extent with the achievement, hedonism and security values have demonstrated a higher achieving approach to learning at the start of their higher education. Conversely, but in line with expectations, students who valued having fun and a good time more than other students have displayed fewer characteristics of the achieving approach to learning. However, none of the personal values were found to influence how the achieving approach to learning changed over time. Based on the research outcome they have concluded that, while personal values appear to explain differences in learning approaches at one point in time they do not seem to contribute to explaining changes in learning approaches over time. In that case, as explained in a similar study by Matthews (2007) [ 3 ] students are likely to change both their personal values and learning approaches due to the influence of the new environment or it may result to pursue their education.
Parallel to the theme of the above studies, Tarabashkina and Lietz [ 10 ] carried out a longitudinal research study on “The impact of values and learning approaches on student achievement: Gender and academic discipline influences” using a cohort of international students who started their three-year Bachelor of Arts or Bachelor of Science degrees in September 2004 at a university in Germany. According to the results, hedonism and achievement were consistently related to the achieving approach over three years, whereas the achievement value probably had a large positive effect on the achieving approach, and hedonism (that is, the tendency to have fun) was negatively related to this approach across all occasions. Hedonism was also consistently and negatively linked to the deep approach throughout all years, whereas self-direction had a positive impact on this approach over a two-year period. Self-direction emerged as a constant predictor of the surface approach, although in the opposite direction to this effect for the deep approach.
Accordingly, the reported literature provides insights that the personal values and learning approaches are two components that occur at the same time with parallel construction. In addition, it establishes the relationship regarding how personal values are linked with different learning approaches and how these interrelationships change over time.
Personal characteristics such as skills, abilities and values, academic adaptability, concern on learning objectives, decision making, innovation and communication are some of the main features of any valid evaluation criteria. When elaborating on the state of personal values in line with its impact on one’s academic achievement, knowledge as a human-specific activity is in direct relation with the way a person through his values perceives the world, the phenomena and events Daniela et al. [ 2 ]. The values favoured by different individuals can be more or less equal or different. Similarly, within each unique and specific view of the world, each person attributes different values to the same experience or the same value to different experiences [ 4 ]. Accordingly, the existing similarities and differences in values cause much diversity in behaviour. Typically, human beings tend to adapt their values according to the circumstances. In addition, it can be assumed that the values do reflect themselves through all the activities of individuals. Identifying the worth of studying these variations, in addition to exploring the link between values and learning approaches, the relationships between personal values and academic achievement, including the effect of factors such as gender and academic discipline, has been carried out by scholars. As the literature notes, the achievement motive and achievement goal are different in their nature, but they both share a commonality in terms of the role that individuals’ values may play as their underlying antecedents [ 44 ]. The argument is further confirmed citing Kaplan and Maehr [ 45 ], and they contend that individuals’ achievement goals are associated with their values. Similarly, values are considered desirable goals and individuals work hard to pursue them. Hence it is justifiable to say that in the academic setting students personal values or their personal goals substantially influence the academic achievement of the students.
Among the several research studies made to study the impact of values on academic achievements, Bala [ 46 ] discusses the values and adjustment problem of high achievers and low achievers based on a sample of 100 students from two senior secondary schools. There, the researcher has considered values in terms of theoretical, economic, aesthetic, social, political and religious values and adjustments related to social, health and emotional, school and home values. Achieving one of the specific objectives to determine the nature of the values of High and Low achievers, it arrives at several conclusions: (a) Higher achievers are more theoretical and social in comparison to low achievers and they have a dominant interest in knowledge, learning and believe more in kindness, charity and love; (b) High achievers and low achievers are similar as far as religious value is concerned; (c) Low achievers are more economic in comparison to high achievers. They believe more in materialistic life than high achievers; (d) High achievers are more political in their approach in comparison to low achievers; (e) Low achievers are superior on the aesthetic value in comparison to high achievers.
There has been little research to study the effect of a school’s disciplinary climate on improving students’ learning and academic achievement. However, the available past and present research support the view that student learning is immediately affected by the nature of the school’s disciplinary climate [ 4 ] as it controls students’ conduct by restricting the engagement in misbehaviour during school time and, thus, enhance student learning.
According to Ma and Willms [ 47 ], research findings based on a sample of grade 8 students in the US, the two most important disciplinary factors that affect academic achievement pertain to whether students were concerned about class disruptions, the proportion of students who talked to a school counsellor or teacher about disciplinary matters and the effect of the teacher–student relationship. As they revealed, with respect to the effects of indiscipline on academic achievement, the disciplinary measure that had the strongest relationship to academic achievement pertains mainly to classroom disruption. Additionally, they say that the effect of behaviour concern, which is a more traditional indicator of disciplinary climate, was negatively related to academic success. As they have found that students’ indiscipline has a significant detrimental effect on their academic achievement, to improve academic achievement from the perspective of a disciplinary climate, providing an orderly classroom environment has been suggested as a remedy.
Research conducted at the individual level has consistently shown a correlation between low cognitive ability, poor academic performances, learning disabilities, delinquency and particularly the relationship between academic performances and discipline [ 47 ]. In schools where advantaged students are concentrated, there will be fewer discipline problems and higher achievement levels as they completely target academic success rather than other issues, whereas schools serving disadvantaged students will have even worse discipline problems and lower levels of academic achievement. Ma and Willms [ 47 ] support that claim with Hawkins and Lishner [ 48 ], who have framed the relationship between academic performance and discipline as a circular process. School misconduct in the early elementary grades, combined with low ability or learning disabilities, are antecedents of poor academic performance in the late grades; poor academic performance in the late elementary grades leads to a low commitment to educational activities, disaffection toward school and an association with delinquent peers. These factors lead to dropping out or to delinquent behaviour. Value education is another concerned faculty that is gaining much concern in education. The results of a study on students attending character education and some of which did not have shown that the scores of those who underwent character education were higher than the scores of others [ 49 ]. As a whole, according to these authors, schools’ or any other learning community’s disciplinary climate acknowledges that better-behaved students generally are higher academic achievers. On that basis, as highlighted in the aforementioned discussion, if personal values are considered as abstract ideals that guide people’s behaviour, then there should be a correlation between delinquent behavioural patterns, cognitive ability level, academic performance and the personal values of an individual.
Liem et al. [ 44 ] examined the relationships between values, achievement motives, achievement goals and academic achievement among Indonesian high school students. There, in terms of the relationships between values and achievement motives, findings indicate that security and conformity values are positive predictors of the social-oriented achievement motive; self-direction is a positive predictor of the individual-oriented achievement motive, whereas hedonism is a negative predictor of both achievement motive orientations. There is also evidence for the direct effects of values on academic achievement. How personal values influenced students’ learning approaches and in turn, how they related to students’ achievement has been examined several times, and they have resulted in more or less similar results, as in Liem et al. [ 44 ]. Accordingly, Wilding and Andrew [ 43 ], based on their study cohort behaviour, have observed that those with less interest in wealth and status life goals produced better academic results. In other words, the successful students would seem to apply themselves more (or more effectively) to the immediate task rather than wider ambitions. Hence, they concluded the two variables associated with better performance were a self-reported achieving approach to learning, reflecting good organization and a systematic programme of study and a lower emphasis on wealth and status achievement in life. Furthermore, they stress that Biggs’ achievment approach to learning has consistently been shown to be positively related to academic performance, but neither the surface approach nor the deep approach has shown any such consistent relation. In contrast to that, the results of a study on a sample of university students by Tarabashkina and Lietz [ 10 ] showed that specific combinations of values were related to each learning approach and their relationship with the academic achievement of students over three years. In general, certain consistencies of these relationships have been observed throughout the study period. The deep and achieving learning approaches were associated with higher achievement, whereas students who displayed more characteristics of the surface learning approach had lower academic performance. Through statistical analysis, they built up the positive and negative relationships between personal values and learning approach: (a) Achieving learning approach—self-direction, achievement and hedonism; (b) Deep learning approach—self direction and hedonism; (c) Surface learning approach—conformity and self-direction. As they found, if the deep and achieving learning approaches were associated with higher achievement, then it can be assumed that self-direction, achievement and hedonism values are consistently associated with academic achievements, affecting them negatively and/or positively.
Similarly, the research findings of the study on learning approaches of successful students done using freshman students ranked in the top one percent portion in a university placement exam (2013) in Ankara by Beyaztaş & Senemoğlu [ 50 ] were supported with the similar research literature and has shown that students can enhance their level of success by increased use of the deep learning approach and decreased use of the surface approach. Furthermore, references made in Watkins’s [ 51 ] meta-analysis of 60 studies addressing learning approaches and academic achievement found a negative relationship between academic achievement and surface learning approaches in 28 studies, a positive relationship between academic achievement and deep learning approaches in 37 studies and a positive relationship between academic achievement and strategic learning approach in 32 studies. Additionally, in a study by Senemoğlu [ 52 ] a positive and meaningful relationship was found between Turkish and American students’ perceived level of success and learning approaches. This study reported that students who perceived themselves to be successful tended to adopt deep and strategic learning approaches, whereas students who thought they were less successful used surface learning approaches in both countries. According to the outcomes of the above-mentioned research studies, any consistent assumptions cannot be made about the correlation between the effectiveness of the learning approaches and students’ academic achievements or about how learning approaches influence academic performance. As emerged in the previous research literature, students’ learning behaviour along with personal values may change according to the circumstances and, in turn, it makes a direct effect on the students’ academic achievement.
Education is a combined process in which the advancement of knowledge, development of skills and the acquisition of beliefs and habits progress from an earlier age. Education providers, especially schools, play an important role in helping young people to develop and manage their physical, social and emotional well-being, and to live and work with others in different contexts. Specifically, they are partly responsible for enlightening an individual in both personal and professional areas. In that sense, personal value development is given a prominent place in most of academic interventions since they are considered as the concepts of beliefs that guide behaviours, attitudes and social norms. Education is naturally and inevitably directly related to a person’s goals and values [ 53 ]. The objective of developing an individual’s personal values as a part of academic life has been discussed, mainly concerning the theme of value education in many of the studies. In general value, education occupies an impressive place in contemporary society and school education is the most influential means of developing an individual and the schools are meeting places of value and are also full of values [ 54 ].
Values education itself has been defined simply as a purposive attempt to teach what is good or bad. As Iscan and Senemoglu [ 49 ] define it, values education is an open initiative aimed to provide instruction in values, value development or value actualization. According to the definition underpinning the Value Education Study, Australia [ 55 ], ‘Values education’ is broader and refers to any explicit and/or implicit school-based activity to promote student understanding and knowledge of values and to inculcate the skills and dispositions of students so they can enact particular values as individuals and as members of the wider community. Beena [ 56 ] says that value education given at schools is much concerned with striving for personal wholeness as well as generating a responsible attitude towards others and an understanding of wrong and right behaviour. For Thornberg and Oguz [ 57 ], all kinds of activities in schools in which students learn or develop values and morality are often referred to as values education. It seems that through the value education at school, children are encouraged to explore the powers of good and bad while unconsciously setting appropriate limits to behaviour. In relation to the Schwartz theory of personal values, the school value education promotes the values (benevolence, universalism, tradition, conformity, security) that primarily regulate how one relates socially to others and affects their interests. Security and universalism values are boundary values primarily concerned with others’ interests, but their goals also regulate the pursuit of their own interests [ 19 ]. Particularly, schools being sites for ethical practices, it seems that they focus much on social value development rather than personal development. According to Kunduroglu & Babadogan [ 53 ], that may be because the values students get with values education affect firstly their families and circle of friends, then their acquaintances and at the end, all the community.
As Thornberg and Oguz [ 57 ] emphasize, referring to several studies, value education is accomplished in two distinct ways such as explicit values education (schools’ official curriculum of what and how to teach values and morality, including teachers’ explicit intentions and practices of values education and implicit values education (associated with a hidden curriculum and implicit values, embedded in school and classroom practices). Bergmark [ 54 ] also mentions that schools are full of implicit and explicit values which shape school leaders’, teachers’ and students’ perceptions and actions. Furthermore, Thornberg and Oguz [ 57 ] mention two general approaches to values education as described in the literature. The first is the Traditional Approach: adult transmission of the morals of society through character education, direct teaching, exhortation, and the use of rewards and punishments. The aim is to teach and discipline students to develop good character and virtues (being honest, hardworking, obeying legitimate authority, kind, patriotic and responsible) and to conform to the dominant values, legitimate rules and the authority of society. In contrast, the Progressive or Constructivist Approach emphasises children’s active construction of moral meaning and development of a personal commitment to principles of fairness and concern for the welfare of others through processes of social interaction and moral discourse. Reasoning and explanations, deliberative discussion about moral dilemmas and participation in decision-making processes are viewed as typical methods for this approach. The aim is to promote moral autonomy, rational thinking, moral reasoning skills and democratic values and competence among the students.
Values education has always been a part of the school curriculum in many countries aiming to inculcate religious beliefs, moral values, duties and social responsibilities as the social values are of crucial importance for an individual’s life [ 53 ]. Therefore, the personal value development of students is important as it is beneficial for the individual in academic, professional and social life. Academic development achieved without personal value development is worthless because individuals who are not disciplined find it difficult to survive in the long run of professional and social life. They lack positive qualities such as punctuality, flexibility, the willingness to learn, a friendly nature, an eagerness to help others, sharing and caring and many more. In addition, they do not believe in themselves and others and lack self-confidence, self-efficacy and self-courage, which are considered the main components of personal development. Obviously, educating people on an only cognitive level is incomplete and not functional [ 53 ]. Henceforth, academic growth must be supplemented with personal value development to strengthen the individual to fit in the competitive society and do away with negative behavioural traits. That gives the sense that better personalities yield positive results in academics, social and professional life.
The research study by Iscan and Senemoglu [ 49 ] on the effectiveness of values education curriculum for fourth graders to equip students with the values of “universalism” and “benevolence” on students’ value-related cognitive behaviours, affective characteristics and performances has resulted in important findings. The experimental group of the study has shown higher values-related cognitive behaviour acquisition level and used more expressions reflecting values in the interviews during and after the implementation of the program. Additionally, the experimental group has displayed a larger number of positive value-related behaviours during the study than the control group. In parallel to the particular study, Iscan and Senemoglu [ 49 ] highlight the the importance of value-based educational interventions. As they revealed, exposing students to such experiences may make them aware of moral issues, establish empathy with others and understand their moral values, decreasing bullying and violence. Furthermore, they have made students more tolerant, polite, compassionate and forgiving, and [ 58 ] it has led to positive changes in students’ respect and responsibility levels along with a decrease in unacceptable behaviour. A similar study on “Values Education Program Integrated with the 4th Grade Science and Technology Course’’ [ 53 ] has revealed that at the end of the 6-week intervention period, students in the experimental group improved their perspective on the values, being more open-minded, unbiased and scientific. In addition, they have interrogated values concepts and developed positive behaviours for the relevant values.
As a whole, it proves that value education is an essential component in the general teaching-learning procedure since it highly encourages positive personal quality development and value gain which in turn benefit the whole community, society and the world.
Definitions for learning communities that have been given by a variety of journals, top universities and educational experts indicate a common set of characteristics. Considering them all together, a learning community can be defined as the same groups of students taking the same subjects or studying in the same class together. In addition, they see and meet each other frequently, share the same learning experiences, work across boundaries, spend a considerable amount of time together and engage in common academic activities in two or more classes as a specific unit. Additionally, they hold common goals, characterize collaboration, peer review and relationship building.
Sometimes the learning community can be the whole class or a group of students. Otherwise, it can be the whole learning institution: a school, university or any other institution where the individuals of the community develop their intellectual and professional skills and abilities while improving socioethical values. In addition, they work collaboratively as a single unit for achieving a set of common academic goals, sharing and bearing all kinds of similarities and differences [ 58 ]. In a more formal sense, according to the literary evidence, developing and implementing an intentional learning community (LC) has emerged as a popular method for improving the quality of the undergraduate experience at a range of higher educational institutions. Learning communities have a long history in higher education, dating from the 1920s when Alexander Meiklejohn introduced the “Experimental College” at the University of Wisconsin [ 59 ].
It is known that, from early ages, pupils are greatly influenced by their peers [ 21 ], and this has been empirically studied. Zhao and Kuh [ 58 ] state that students who actively participate in various out-of-class activities are more likely to connect with an affinity group of peers, which is important for student retention, success and personal development. Peer communities sometimes encourage and sometimes discourage value development as the students encountered different learning activities. Ma and Willms [ 47 ] view peer relationships are associated with delinquency in early adolescence. So, the potential role of peers as an influential factor on others in the process of values formation at the schools has been studied several times. In this respect, the study of Garnier and Stein [ 60 ] confirms that peer groups in which people interact and share norms and goals are another significant matter that affects the personal values of an individual. One important source of values is that of a ‘pivotal’ person: a person observed as displaying values that would produce advantageous benefits for the observer [ 4 ]. In a learning community, there is a possibility of a friend or friends becoming a pivotal person or persons other than the teacher or the instructor. Hence, it is evident that learning communities trigger personal value development through peers, their behaviours and attitudes and all the personal attributes.
To address the above features through the teaching and learning process, different approaches have been taken by the educational practitioners to figure out the best way to teach their students, and many have failed. However, some have succeeded and are still on the ground with alterations and developments. Among them, the cooperative learning strategy has continued to be developed and used by the teachers at all levels. Hence, by exposing students to collaborative or cooperative learning experience, they are encouraged to work together with colleagues to achieve common targets. As the word sense, it is not just group work but a very dynamic strategy [ 61 ] that provides room for students to experience different personalities, to promote social interaction, to identify sociocultural dynamics, to transfer ideas, and to develop group leadership skills among students. Cooperative learning is a teaching practice that breaks students into groups of three to four, with each student having a particular role within the group [ 61 ]. However, collaborative learning goes beyond working together, and it inspires self-management, self-monitoring and self-directed earning while developing a core skill required for employment [ 62 ]. In that sense, when comparing the intended outcomes of collaborative and cooperative learning approaches with the Schwartz’s [ 19 ] categorisation of values, they enhance values such as self-direction, achievement, benevolence and universalism.
Zhao and Kuh [ 58 ] refer to several studies, and according to them, most learning communities incorporate active and collaborative learning activities and promote involvement in complementary academic and social activities that extend beyond the classroom. Such approaches are linked with such positive behaviours such as increased academic effort and outcomes such as promoting openness to diversity, social tolerance and personal and interpersonal development. In parallel to that, Stassen [ 59 ] points out the results of the empirical studies collectively and show that “living-learning communities have a significant positive effect on several student outcomes, including: student gains in autonomy and independence, intellectual dispositions and orientations, and generalized personal development and socialization”. Stassen [ 59 ] mentions that students in learning communities show greater institutional commitment, greater intellectual development and opportunities to analyse and integrate ideas, greater tolerance for difference and appreciation for pluralism and demonstrate higher persistence and academic performance as measured by college grade point average.
Taken together, by taking classes together and/or engaging in peer-to-peer learning as a learning community, students get to know each other better, learn from each other and support each other. Along with that, students experience more social relationships. A connected learning environment increases the potential for academic success while creating more opportunities for students to adapt themselves to the individual needs of each other, to adjust their schedules and to work with diverse groups since learning groups are a mixture of different intellectual abilities, academic interests and goals and learning styles. Then again, social relationships established as a result of learning communities will continue through the end of the academic experience and will last even after promoting social harmony. As explained in Schwartz’s [ 1 ], benevolence values provide an internalized motivational base for voluntarily promoting the welfare of others. Equally, conformity values promote prosocial behaviour to avoid negative outcomes for oneself. Hence, both benevolence and conformity values motivate the same helpful act of promoting cooperative and supportive social relations, separately or together. As discussed above the learning communities also directly or indirectly enrich the development of values such as benevolence and conformity in learners, since they support the natural integration of academic life with social life providing opportunities to interact with a variety of individuals. In turn, the learning community will be benefited or disturbed by the certain characteristics of the personal values held by the individual.
Based on the above literature on the themes of personal values and related directions, it is clear that there is no universally accepted definition for personal values. However, despite the diversity and gaps in the definitions, values and personal values have been viewed basically as the concepts or beliefs which are depicted through behavioural patterns, selections and personal goals. Furthermore, intrinsic and extrinsic factors including family, social and economic background, neighbourhood, religion and education have been identified as the influential factors on value formation and development. Their effect on the life of a person alternate according to the circumstances. Jardim et al. [ 63 ] identified this nature of values as the two main functions: as a motivator (materialist or humanitarian law) or as guidance (personal, social or central). Furthermore, based on the different attributes of values and priorities given to them in different contexts, they have been defined, named and grouped in various ways with more or fewer similarities to each other. However, both Schwartz [ 19 ] and Jardim [ 63 ] explained the similarities of values and value systems. As they state values have a basic universal structure and character which make them to be believed as the judgment of truths. The emphasis given to values in many areas has resulted in a number of theories and frameworks, and they have been used as the theoretical grounds to evaluate the research outcomes. According to the search results of this particular study revealed that Schwatrz theory of personal values has been frequently used in many of the recent education-based research studies in comparison to the other theories.
The study of personal values can provide greater insight into the entirety of human behaviour. Therefore, it has been studied concerning a variety of disciplines including education. Although there are a limited number of educational studies dealing with values, attempting to explore the relationship between personal values and learning approaches, personal values and academic achievement, influence of one’s personal values on learning community and vice versa and value education are important trends that emerged in educational research. Those studies mainly focused on identifying students’ preferred learning approaches at different stages of academic life and underlying values that are likely to influence the preference. In addition, the positive and negative behaviours of the underlying values with the learning approaches over time and the changes were aimed at. When concerned with the learning approaches that are found frequently in studies, the deep, surface, achieving and strategic approaches are prominent. According to Wilding and Andrews [ 43 ], the two main approaches to studying are the deep approach and the surface approach, as distinguished by several researchers. In addition, an achieving or strategic approach employs either deep or surface strategies, depending on the demands of the task. Contrastingly, Matthews et al. [ 3 ] and Lietz and Matthews [ 27 ] cite Biggs [ 29 ], and he has specified three distinct approaches to learning, namely, The Surface, The Deep and The Achieving approaches to learning. The classification of Biggs’ [ 29 ] learning approaches appeared in many of the studies related to personal values, learning approaches and academic achievements. Research by Matthews et al. and Lietz et al. [ 3 , 27 , 37 ] based on personal values and their effect on students’ preference for learning approaches have revealed similar relationships and their changes over time, mainly related to the underlying values along with the other factors. In fact, revealing the correlation among value, learning approach and academic achievement is extremely important for educational practices. However, as they conclude, there is no consistency in those changes, and it has been further revealed that one learning approach is influenced by several value attributes. In general, deep and strategic learning approaches are found to be positively related to the academic achievement of successful students, whereas the surface learning approach is reported with less successful students. Self-direction and achievement values were identified as the most influential in students’ success through the above approaches. Collectively, the above study results offer potential insights that may be useful when designing new academic courses or in any teaching-learning intervention. Furthermore, though personal values are not the sole determinant of educational or career choice, the correct understanding of values is useful in addressing the arising needs and issues in any discipline. Especially to address a wide range of issues relating to schooling and any educational outcomes such as academic achievement, retention, participation, dropping out, discipline and career selection.
With regard to today’s transforming society, value education has identified a crucially important requirement. Both the cognitive and affective domains of a child need to be developed through education. Kunduroglu and Babadogan [ 53 ] stressed that the purpose of education is to furnish students with affective behaviours. Mainly, schools and other educational institutions are the places where students continue their value education process, which begins at home. One of the objectives of values education in schools is to develop a healthy, consistent and balanced personality in students [ 16 ]. In that sense, formal educational interventions are better focused on enhancing the values that children have already started to develop and help children to reflect, understand and implement their own values accordingly. At this point, direct or indirect inclusion of themes such as moral, religious, civic, democratic, national, personal and social goals and issues in the school curricula has been stressed as important. Furthermore, the need of treating value education as a high priority in terms of ensuring the continuity of society and cultural transmission at a personal level also highlighted in many studies. The effectiveness of curricula including value education has been studied several times, and the results revealed the robust links between value education, student disciplinary conduct and academic achievements. Additionally, the consideration given to the respective roles of formal and informal education, learning communities, peers, parents and other institutions and agencies in making sense of values and forming personal values is emphasized in much of the value-education-based research.
Another concept that emerged as important in the dimension of personal values is its close relationship with the learning community and vice versa. The peer group influence on shaping academic behaviour and personal behaviour have long been studied by scholars over different perspectives. Concerning that, many researchers have focused on cooperative/collaborative learning interventions as the means of establishing social relationships and value development.
In general, when analysing the contents of research studies, it was notable that research related to personal values and learning approaches have been the major focus of many scholars in comparison to the other directions. A few studies found online databases discussing the relationship between personal values and academic achievement. Study reports directly focusing on the correlation of personal values and learning community and vice versa and the importance of personal values as a part of academic life are found lacking in online databases. Methodologically, it was found that many of the studies tend to apply mixed method designs and only a few have taken qualitative and quantitative research as their main research method. Other than that, literature-based reports are also available as useful academic resources. In the data collection process, questionnaires and interviews were found as the most commonly used instruments.
The discussion of personal values includes many distinct dimensions and can be approached through numerous perspectives: education, personal and social life, professional world, culture, political, religion and so on. It is realized that focusing only on a part of it cannot result in a holistic study of the concept but still it would be important to understand the depth of the concept. Depending on online resource availability and the time period set for the selection of resources for the current review may have resulted in the exclusion of some valuable research outcomes and directions. However, the comparative analysis based on available literature would probably shed light on the variety of interpretations, findings and research tendencies.
Finally, as the research literature reveals, the insight gained through the results of value-related studies facilitate the clear identification of the role of value in personal life and partly as a deciding factor of academic life. If one is not clear of his or her own values, then he/she is not clear with aims and is ineffective in controlling their life. Hence, further investigation on value-related topics over the wide range of its interrelated dimensions would give a more holistic and profound view of the role of personal values in education.
Based on the above discussion, it is apparent that still there is much room for future research studies on the theme of personal values since they affect all the avenues of human life, individually or in common as a group or a community. Conversely, several factors influence personal values and their changes. Therefore, a detailed further examination of the complex interplay of factors influencing personal values and how personal values influence an individual and in common to the whole human community seems to be valuable.
According to the analyses presented in this article, it is implied that the topic of personal values is very much important in the field of education to identify students’ behaviours, life goals and expectations, learning styles and how these change over time. Furthermore, increased attention is given to value education since values are considered as essential social or soft skills that one must acquire and practice in the 21st century world. Therefore, education, regardless of the level of junior, secondary, tertiary or professional, should aim at making human life better not only through professional or economic enhancement but also through social, moral and spiritual strengthening. At present, schools and other educational providers have adopted several co-curricular programmes that uplift values in students, such as peer support systems, community service projects and student action teams. These interventions provide students with opportunities to develop a sense of responsibility, empathy, unity, appreciation of others and their views, lifestyles and cultures and work with others to resolve the problems. These programmes have been recorded with notable achievements. This is a common feature of almost all the educational contexts that ensure values are incorporated into teaching programmes across the key learning areas to develop students’ civic and social skills. Thus, there is a need for a realistic and balanced curriculum in which the programs that inspire the value acquisition and internalisation of socially beneficial skills and behaviours are emphasized. In addition, the integration of such features into the disciplines in the curriculum is also important. Along with that, research studies to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses and the positive and negative aspects of such programmes need to be continued. According to the general and most practiced procedure, during or at the end of the academic experience, cognitive behaviours are always tested, but testing effective behaviours is always neglected. Hence, it is a noteworthy point to mention the importance of assessing processes for the progress of value development in students.
Finally, the current study based on the available literature has shown that students probably tend to adjust their approaches to a specific learning strategy due to several factors: learning environment, subject area, expectations, curriculum, teacher and teaching style, origin and cultural context, gender, religion, etc. Furthermore, there is no significant pattern of selecting learning approaches such as deep, surface or achieving, etc., at different levels of the context of learning. Therefore, deep study into how learning approaches are changed, on what basis and what the most influential motives for such alterations are will be beneficial to understanding students’ learning behaviours. Hence, research studies further investigating such dimensions would probably useful and needed at present and in future.
Conceptualisation, K.A.A.G.; methodology, D.M.S.C.P.K.D. and K.A.A.G.; formal analysis, D.M.S.C.P.K.D. and S.Y.E.; investigation, D.M.S.C.P.K.D. and K.A.A.G.; resources, K.A.A.G.; writing—original draft preparation, D.M.S.C.P.K.D.; writing—review and editing, K.A.A.G.; supervision, K.A.A.G. and S.Y.E.; project administration, K.A.A.G. and S.Y.E. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
This research received no external funding.
Not applicable.
Data availability statement, conflicts of interest.
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Read an excerpt from a new book by Sir Ken Robinson and Kate Robinson, which calls for redesigning education for the future.
What is education for? As it happens, people differ sharply on this question. It is what is known as an “essentially contested concept.” Like “democracy” and “justice,” “education” means different things to different people. Various factors can contribute to a person’s understanding of the purpose of education, including their background and circumstances. It is also inflected by how they view related issues such as ethnicity, gender, and social class. Still, not having an agreed-upon definition of education doesn’t mean we can’t discuss it or do anything about it.
We just need to be clear on terms. There are a few terms that are often confused or used interchangeably—“learning,” “education,” “training,” and “school”—but there are important differences between them. Learning is the process of acquiring new skills and understanding. Education is an organized system of learning. Training is a type of education that is focused on learning specific skills. A school is a community of learners: a group that comes together to learn with and from each other. It is vital that we differentiate these terms: children love to learn, they do it naturally; many have a hard time with education, and some have big problems with school.
There are many assumptions of compulsory education. One is that young people need to know, understand, and be able to do certain things that they most likely would not if they were left to their own devices. What these things are and how best to ensure students learn them are complicated and often controversial issues. Another assumption is that compulsory education is a preparation for what will come afterward, like getting a good job or going on to higher education.
So, what does it mean to be educated now? Well, I believe that education should expand our consciousness, capabilities, sensitivities, and cultural understanding. It should enlarge our worldview. As we all live in two worlds—the world within you that exists only because you do, and the world around you—the core purpose of education is to enable students to understand both worlds. In today’s climate, there is also a new and urgent challenge: to provide forms of education that engage young people with the global-economic issues of environmental well-being.
This core purpose of education can be broken down into four basic purposes.
Education should enable young people to engage with the world within them as well as the world around them. In Western cultures, there is a firm distinction between the two worlds, between thinking and feeling, objectivity and subjectivity. This distinction is misguided. There is a deep correlation between our experience of the world around us and how we feel. As we explored in the previous chapters, all individuals have unique strengths and weaknesses, outlooks and personalities. Students do not come in standard physical shapes, nor do their abilities and personalities. They all have their own aptitudes and dispositions and different ways of understanding things. Education is therefore deeply personal. It is about cultivating the minds and hearts of living people. Engaging them as individuals is at the heart of raising achievement.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights emphasizes that “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights,” and that “Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.” Many of the deepest problems in current systems of education result from losing sight of this basic principle.
Schools should enable students to understand their own cultures and to respect the diversity of others. There are various definitions of culture, but in this context the most appropriate is “the values and forms of behavior that characterize different social groups.” To put it more bluntly, it is “the way we do things around here.” Education is one of the ways that communities pass on their values from one generation to the next. For some, education is a way of preserving a culture against outside influences. For others, it is a way of promoting cultural tolerance. As the world becomes more crowded and connected, it is becoming more complex culturally. Living respectfully with diversity is not just an ethical choice, it is a practical imperative.
There should be three cultural priorities for schools: to help students understand their own cultures, to understand other cultures, and to promote a sense of cultural tolerance and coexistence. The lives of all communities can be hugely enriched by celebrating their own cultures and the practices and traditions of other cultures.
Education should enable students to become economically responsible and independent. This is one of the reasons governments take such a keen interest in education: they know that an educated workforce is essential to creating economic prosperity. Leaders of the Industrial Revolution knew that education was critical to creating the types of workforce they required, too. But the world of work has changed so profoundly since then, and continues to do so at an ever-quickening pace. We know that many of the jobs of previous decades are disappearing and being rapidly replaced by contemporary counterparts. It is almost impossible to predict the direction of advancing technologies, and where they will take us.
How can schools prepare students to navigate this ever-changing economic landscape? They must connect students with their unique talents and interests, dissolve the division between academic and vocational programs, and foster practical partnerships between schools and the world of work, so that young people can experience working environments as part of their education, not simply when it is time for them to enter the labor market.
Education should enable young people to become active and compassionate citizens. We live in densely woven social systems. The benefits we derive from them depend on our working together to sustain them. The empowerment of individuals has to be balanced by practicing the values and responsibilities of collective life, and of democracy in particular. Our freedoms in democratic societies are not automatic. They come from centuries of struggle against tyranny and autocracy and those who foment sectarianism, hatred, and fear. Those struggles are far from over. As John Dewey observed, “Democracy has to be born anew every generation, and education is its midwife.”
For a democratic society to function, it depends upon the majority of its people to be active within the democratic process. In many democracies, this is increasingly not the case. Schools should engage students in becoming active, and proactive, democratic participants. An academic civics course will scratch the surface, but to nurture a deeply rooted respect for democracy, it is essential to give young people real-life democratic experiences long before they come of age to vote.
The conventional curriculum is based on a collection of separate subjects. These are prioritized according to beliefs around the limited understanding of intelligence we discussed in the previous chapter, as well as what is deemed to be important later in life. The idea of “subjects” suggests that each subject, whether mathematics, science, art, or language, stands completely separate from all the other subjects. This is problematic. Mathematics, for example, is not defined only by propositional knowledge; it is a combination of types of knowledge, including concepts, processes, and methods as well as propositional knowledge. This is also true of science, art, and languages, and of all other subjects. It is therefore much more useful to focus on the concept of disciplines rather than subjects.
Disciplines are fluid; they constantly merge and collaborate. In focusing on disciplines rather than subjects we can also explore the concept of interdisciplinary learning. This is a much more holistic approach that mirrors real life more closely—it is rare that activities outside of school are as clearly segregated as conventional curriculums suggest. A journalist writing an article, for example, must be able to call upon skills of conversation, deductive reasoning, literacy, and social sciences. A surgeon must understand the academic concept of the patient’s condition, as well as the practical application of the appropriate procedure. At least, we would certainly hope this is the case should we find ourselves being wheeled into surgery.
The concept of disciplines brings us to a better starting point when planning the curriculum, which is to ask what students should know and be able to do as a result of their education. The four purposes above suggest eight core competencies that, if properly integrated into education, will equip students who leave school to engage in the economic, cultural, social, and personal challenges they will inevitably face in their lives. These competencies are curiosity, creativity, criticism, communication, collaboration, compassion, composure, and citizenship. Rather than be triggered by age, they should be interwoven from the beginning of a student’s educational journey and nurtured throughout.
From Imagine If: Creating a Future for Us All by Sir Ken Robinson, Ph.D and Kate Robinson, published by Penguin Books, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2022 by the Estate of Sir Kenneth Robinson and Kate Robinson.
Back to: UGC NET Paper 1 Unit 10
Value education refers to the process of imparting moral values from one person to another. Powney defines it as, “Powney et al. define it as an action that can occur in any human organisation. During this time, people are assisted by others, who may be older, in a condition they experience in order to make explicit our ethics, assess the effectiveness of these values and associated behaviours for their own and others’ long-term well-being, and reflect on and acquire other values and behaviours that they recognize as being more effective for their own and others’ long-term well-being. There is a distinction to be made between literacy and education.”
The main objectives of value Education include sensitivity, punctuality, neatness, scientific attitude, dignity of labour, sportsmanship, equality, brotherhood, patriotism, secularism, cooperation, tolerance, respect for elders, non-violence, national integrity, universal brotherhood.
1. To contribute to society through good residence and trust.
2. Moral education, personality education, ethics and philosophy have tried to do similar things.
3. To develop the intrinsic value of good behaviour, empathy and cooperation.
1. It enables the students to learn the real purpose of life and gives them a progressive way for their future.
2. Value education helps students to become more responsive and practical which helps them to recognize the perception of life more effectively and lead a positive life as a responsible resident.
3. It also enables them to develop a better and strong relationship with family and friends.
4. It improves the personality and character of the students.
5. Value education adds a positive opinion about life in the student’s mind.
6. It revolves around teaching and learning about the ideals that society considers important.
7. The objective of the students is not only to recognize the values but also to reflect them in their behaviour and attitudes.
“Value education is essential for building the character of future citizens, teaching them good values, helps them choose the right path, and it gives moral value to students.”
Value Education is a process of increasing the overall character of a student, it also includes character development, personality development and spiritual development, it develops a sensible person with strong character and values.
It is an action that can take place in human society, during which the people are helped by others, who may be older.
The purpose of values-based education is to make the student work with the right attitude and standards to face the outside world.
Some people may think that personality is a natural character of a child and can never be developed; however, this is not correct.
A personality development conference and a good school selection can lead to a fundamental change in a child’s character.
We had discussed what are the main objectives of value education, along with the types of value education and much more.
To contribute to society through good residence and trust.
Moral education, personality education, ethics and philosophy have tried to do similar things.
In the United States, character education defines 6 character education programs in schools which aim to teach important values, such as friendliness, fairness, and social justice, and to influence the behaviour and attitudes of students.
The intrinsic value of good behaviour, empathy and cooperation. Interaction with the environment that includes living and non-living beings.
Moral awareness must be recognized to bend the progress of science and technology towards the pleasure of manhood.
Common values must be rediscovered to unite the human with the over-failure of traditional values.
Teachers allow students to value consciously and intuitively through their classroom rooms, therefore the need for a consciously strategic value education program to establish prescribed learning is noticeable.
Students may be more complex in making decisions about matters related to values. They should be helped to develop the ability to make the appropriate selection in such situations through value education.
The rise in childhood crime is a disaster for the youth, which comes under the process of personal development. In such a situation, value education has different importance.
It develops curiosity, appropriate interests, attitudes, values and the ability to think and judge oneself. Also, helps in social and natural unity.
Personal values mean whatever a person needs in a social relationship.
Some of the personal values are beauty, morality, confidence, self-motivation, regularity, ambition, courage, vision, imagination etc.
A person cannot live in the world without communicating with others.
People want social values like love, affection, friendship, noble groups, reference groups, impurity, hospitality, bravery, service, justice, freedom, patience, forgiveness, coordination, sympathy, tolerance, etc.
Social values are more important for a healthy and good environment for every organization.
Ethical values, value others and themselves respect the authority of others, keep promises, avoid unnecessary problems with others, avoid cheating and dishonesty, thanking others and making them work Encourage.
The ultimate moral value is called spiritual value. Spiritual values are purity, meditation, yoga, discipline, control, clarity and devotion to God, etc.
Spiritual value education highlights the principles of self-discipline. Self-discipline satisfaction, lack of needs, general greed and freedom from seriousness.
It is universal values that specify the sense of the human condition. It is through universal values that we associate ourselves with humanity and the universe.
Universal values can be experienced as life, joy, brotherhood, love, sympathy, service, heaven, truth and eternity.
Cultural values are concerned with right and wrong, good and bad, customs and behaviour.
Cultural values are reflected in language, ethics, social hierarchy, aesthetics, education, law, economics, philosophy and social organizations of all kinds.
After classifying the values, we should determine which of the above values is the most meaningful. Universal values are our foundation if we enjoy a prosperous, deep, full life.
Educative ego and growth towards a sustainable lifestyle.
Our cultural heritage, constitutional rights, national integration, public development and increasing accountability to the environment about our national history.
Creating and improving awareness of values and their importance and role.
To know about many living and non-living organisms and their interactions with the environment.
Value education in school is important because it teaches about the world around us and prepares us with the tools that will be needed for future success. In the classroom, students also learn valuable lessons, such as social skills, behaviour, work ethic and gaining a sense of personal achievement.
In this competitive world, we all know the importance of education in our lives, it plays an important role in shaping our life and personality.
Education is very important to get a good position and a job in society, it not only improves our personality but also makes us mentally, spiritually, intellectually advanced.
Early in life, a child dreams of becoming a doctor, lawyer, IAS officer. Parents also want to see their child as a doctor, lawyer or high-level officer. This can only be possible when the child gets a proper education.
Therefore it can be concluded that education is very important in our life and all of us need to earn it to get success in our life.
In short, Value education means learning or studying existing knowledge and cultural heritage.
It means achievements for our families, advancement in existing technology and transfers it to the next generation.
Humanity has achieved a lot, the only way to preserve it is to transfer the knowledge and technology we have by educating people properly.
‘Value education’ is essential for building the character of future citizens, teaching them good values, helps them choose the right path, it gives moral value to students.
Also helps students to follow their interest and find answers to the extreme laws of the universe, it helps in preserving healthy life socially, economically and mentally, also helps in the cumulative ability of children by increasing their skills
The civilized purpose of education is the physical and intelligent development of the child because through education we are living in a peaceful society.
It is only because of “ value education ” that we have some answers to the laws of the universe and are able to use the knowledge of our families with modern technology.
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helpful, thanks. 🙂
Thank you Sherli for your valuable comment! Read our other articles as well…
It’s gave a vast knowledge in value education. Can you give me a note of Philosophical bases of value education.
Thank you, Jagannath Nayak, for your valuable comment! Read our other articles as well…
Great job sir!!
Very helpful 👍👍
Education is the key of success
So nice, excellent information. Really great one.
Dhanyavwadm, kafee madadgar raha ye.
very helpful , thank you
A helpful article. Thank you. It’s better to talk about the issues/problems in Value Education too.
Thank you very much
very helpful thank you🙏
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Education should promote ethics, morals, and principles that help a child in their life. Value Education is a concept which showcases how important it is to impart fundamentally good values in education to develop self-aware human beings. It can be defined as a set of fundamentally ethical values which can act as guidance in life. A student needs a good guiding hand to differentiate between right and wrong.
It is a set of principles that guide the behavior standard. Values are desirable and highly regarded. They fortify a person's character by occupying a central place in his life. It represents the individual's views, choices, decisions, judgments, relationships, dreams, and vision. Value Education is defined as learning about self and wisdom of life. The major aim of value education is to build the overall personality of a student. This will help increase the student’s intellect, which can help build a fundamentally strong and moral nation.
These values should inculcate pride towards the nation. Furthermore, it helps to become an abiding global citizen who empathizes with other humans and other beings.
There is a wide gap in values that should be ideally practiced vs. values that are used today.
Value Education's major goal is to instill moral and value-based teaching in schools and colleges and learn about intermediate students' attitudes about moral principles. This will make sure students develop a conscience to think independently and distinguish between right and wrong. Mahatma Gandhi was also of the opinion that education is the solution to all problems. Therefore, if teachers and mentors properly use technology and other resources, it is not difficult to impart value education to students.
The modern-day concept of Education is more than academic knowledge. In fact, when we define value education, it is incomplete without mentioning how it instils fundamentally good morals in students and guides them towards becoming self-aware and morally upright individuals from a young age. Promoting these besides academic training created responsible students, and ultimately mature & self-reliant capable adults.
It shapes a student's character and accelerated their thinking process to distinguish right from wrong. By incorporating moral values in education, institutions and educators promote the development of well-rounded personalities for their students.
Value Education refers to the process of ethical and moral education, that guides students towards making responsible choices in life. It helps them develop self-awareness and empathy. They understand the importance of academic learning too. A curious child might question, but what to question and how to answer correctly is something they are taught as ethical values by their parents and educators, both at home and at school.
Value Education is diverse in its nature and its methods
Religious values.
These are a few standard classifications schools consider when designing the methodologies for value education classes.
Certain values, such as empathy, honesty, curiosity, ambition, compassion, love, and forgiveness, are important for children to learn at an early stage of their life. These values form the ethical base that helps them make the right decisions and grow into responsible individuals who contribute positively to society.
Value Education is not just an addition to the curriculum; it is the essence of creating compassionate students. By teaching children the importance of ethical values, we prepare them with the tools to navigate life wisely. Educators approach students both theoretically and practically to give them valuable moral lessons that improve their quality of life.
Values can be classified into various types:
Innate values are values that a child has since birth. Values like love, compassion, empathy, mercy, and peace are values that a person learns innately. A child has these values in some form but develops them better, improving their emotional quotient. Parents need to practice the value of love and compassion with their children.
These are the values that we inherit from our culture, our place of birth, our mother tongue. These values help to keep our culture and traditions alive. Furthermore, these values keep us connected with our traditions which are very important in the modern world. Values like culture, customs, dress code, and habits come under this.
Besides this classification, the value of education can also be categorized in different values sets, which is useful in daily life.
Personal values are those that a person follows all through his life. It is a critical part of your personality and is something you carry with you always. Values like beauty, regularity, ambition, courage, vision, imagination are some personal values.
Social values are values that show the social aspects of your life. This includes the way you communicate and interact with people . For example, these values showcase your national pride when India does great, or any social mishap happens in the country. Some of the values that are categorized in social values are hospitality, bravery, service, justice, freedom, patience, forgiveness, co-ordination, sympathy, tolerance, and more.
Cultural values are values that we learn from our culture. Cultural values are concerned with what is right and wrong, what is good and evil, and customs and behavior. Language, ethics, social hierarchy, aesthetics, education, law, economics, philosophy, and various social institutions are cultural values. These values make us connected to the rich heritage of our parents as well as the nation.
Political values are ideological values for any specific political party or path to governing a country. These values define how a person views a political situation and reacts to it. Furthermore, the values can either be right or left-leaning or can be centrist. Despite any leanings, these values show how a person thinks in a certain way to govern a country through welfare schemes, civic responsibility, and future vision.
Religious or Spiritual Values are the spiritual values and give the essence of how a person views the world and shows its beliefs. Spiritual value is the greatest moral value. Purity, meditation, yoga, discipline, control, clarity, and devotion to God are examples of spiritual virtues. It emphasizes self-discipline concepts. Satisfaction with self-discipline, lack of needs, general greed, and freedom from the seriousness
While it is necessary to learn all the ethical and moral values, Some values are important for students to learn before facing the world. These values give students an excellent ethical base to make the right decisions when required.
Values such as empathy and honesty are essential for a child to learn at an early day in his life to grow up being a responsible human being. Likewise, values like curiosity and ambition can help a student grow in their life. Compassion, love, forgiveness are values that should also be practiced to become better human beings.
Human Civilization has made significant progress over the years, and value education has taught us that its preservation is our responsibility. It is critical for developing the character of future citizens, teaching them excellent values, assisting them in choosing the proper route, and instilling moral value in students. It also assists kids in following their interests and discovering solutions to the extreme laws of the universe; it aids in the preservation of a healthy existence on all levels, socially, economically, and cognitively; and it aids in the cumulative ability of children by growing their talents.
Teachmint is keen on changing the future of education with its advanced LMS and ERP tools. With more than 20+ modules for educational institutions like admission management , attendance management system, performance management, and more; it is changing the teaching-learning experience.
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Studying humanities creates a more well-rounded person, says ASU dean
Jeffrey Cohen is the dean of humanities in The College of Liberal Arts and Sciences at Arizona State University. Photo by Charlie Leight/ASU News
As the dean of humanities in The College of Liberal Arts and Sciences at Arizona State University, Jeffrey Cohen knows better than most the value of humanities training.
How it helps prepare students for a variety of careers.
How it teaches students to have empathy and to be good listeners.
How it gives students a worldview that helps them connect with others.
Whether a student is interested in medicine, tech, big business — really, anything — Cohen said, humanities training will help them excel at their jobs.
ASU News spoke with Cohen about the value of humanities and the new courses that are being offered this coming school year.
Note: Answers have been edited for length and/or clarity.
Question: Why do you believe a humanities degree will help students as they embark on their careers, no matter the field they’re in?
Answer: It’s funny. These days students think that if they get a certain degree, they’ll get a job. The heavens will open and all will be clear, and all will work out. In fact, most students have to prepare themselves for a job market they don’t even know. In some ways, there’s no use training yourself for a specific job. What you really want is a wide training that prepares you to be ready to go for whatever comes down the line.
I was thinking about this recently with the number of jobs in (artificial intelligence). These were not even a possibility a few years ago, but many of our humanities majors fit seamlessly in to the AI field because they’re ready to go because of their deep training in language and because their wide interdisciplinary training made it so that jobs that didn’t exist when they got their degrees were there for them.
Q: Is that what people maybe don’t understand, that a humanities degree can lead you down so many different career paths?
A: When I was a kid, I used to think that you had to choose a job and then work your entire life towards it. I think what happens is you think there is one job out there and you’ll spend your life at that job. That isn’t true. In fact, most people these days should plan on between eight and 12 different jobs, and those different jobs are their career. So, really, the question to ask is what kind of training can make it so that I’m capable of going from job to job and well equipped with skills.
I think humanities are really well situated to enable anyone to get the skills they need for a shifting career landscape.
Q: Why is that?
A: Because among the things that we emphasize in the humanities are things like how to write well, how to present well, how to make good arguments, how to do good research, how to be a good collaborator, how to be a visionary, how to think of the world at its best and move toward that, and how to live a good life.
I think that's a question we don't ask enough, right? We focus so much on how to live a life where we have enough resources. How do we live a really good and satisfying life? Well, philosophers have answers to those kinds of questions.
Q: Can you give a couple of examples of how humanities training has helped people in their careers?
A: One of my favorite students is Phillip Pipkins . Phillip came here not knowing what to do. He was a first-generation student raised by a single mom. Phillip found in film and media studies, which is one of our humanities disciplines, a way of thinking about framing stories and being able to ask questions and explore the world. He’s gone through a series of careers. Most recently, he is a venture capitalist. If you ask Phillip, what is it about your humanities training that allowed you to succeed, he would say it’s the ability to tell a story. He can tell a compelling story and get people to buy into the ventures that he needs them to buy into.
Another person I think about a lot is Amanda Ventura. Amanda is now a public affairs manager at Waymo. There were no robot-driven cars when she was an English major. But she was well equipped to move into a company that needed somebody who could use the skills that she learned as an English major, put them into practice and really thrive in a competitive world.
Q: Can you explain how humanities training could help someone entering, say, the medical field?
A: One of the pillars of the new ASU medical school is a grounding in humanities, and humanities faculty are helping to build the curriculum for future doctors who will also be engineers. Why do they need humanities? Being able to connect with people is a humanities-based skill.
The other thing I’ll say is that humanities is built on expanding your world. Someone who studies the humanities does serious work in the study of a culture that isn’t your own. You’ll learn a language that isn’t the language you grew up with. Your horizons will broaden as a result.
Video by EJ Hernandez/ASU News
Q: Why do you think there’s a perception that a humanities degree isn’t worth what it once was?
A: I think at this moment, we’ve made a grave mistake, which is to think that students need to study in a discipline that’s aligned with one job. There’s a way in which humanities are old-fashioned. They come from the past and they teach us to regard deeply everything that humans have done and dreamt for centuries. To be in touch with the ways in which we’ve been the same cultures and species, and the ways in which we’ve differed. I think that opens up the mind and makes things possible.
Another important humanities skill is world-building. By world-building, what we really mean is being able to imagine the world differently configured than the one that we seem to receive. And to think about a more just version of that world, a world where more things are possible for more people.
Q: What is new in humanities studies this fall?
A: One of the things we’re most proud of is an array of new humanities programs. We will always be dedicated to things like history, philosophy, linguistics, English, film and media studies. But we’re adding to that. We’ll be in the second year of a new degree in culture, technology and environment. We have a new degree coming out on global citizenship that really focuses on the study of language. We have a new degree in narrative studies because storytelling is just as important to, say, the novels of yesteryear as it is to digital gaming. We have another degree that should be launching soon on sports society and the contemporary experience. And new certificates on things like Holocaust and genocide studies and public history.
These are times when we need to remember the lessons of the past, and we’re dedicated to making sure that people never forget and have learning opportunities.
Q: It sounds like no matter what you come to ASU for in terms of a degree, there’s value in humanities training because it makes you a more well-rounded person.
A: It’s important to have this knowledge. No matter what you’re studying, whether it’s engineering or biological science or sociology, you name it, you will gain something by coming into a humanities class. In fact, you’ll find a community. I’ll even predict that you’ll have a class that you will remember the rest of your life.
Editor’s note: This is part of a monthly series spotlighting ASU Library’s special collections throughout 2024.They’re not the types of books that your average reader might expect to find on the…
Beginning fall 2024, Adam Hefetz will join the faculty of Arizona State University's School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies to provide historical information and context about the…
The myth of the solitary scholar is just that: a myth.To kick off the fall semester, the Humanities Institute at Arizona State University, in partnership with The College of Liberal Arts and Sciences…
1. introduction.
This essay tries to inquire into the impact of family, education, and personal values on career choices, for which a qualitative approach has been used throughout a review of the literature. It was found that, in the vast majority of families, tradition plays a major role in forming children's professional preferences. Moreover, it is demonstrated that parents usually do influence their children's career choices, their authority being based on a "natural leadership" which sometimes is questioned by students when they become aware of their personal qualities and responsibilities as opposed to those of the person who desires them to have these or those qualities and responsibilities. It was possible to conclude that school is another major influence in youngsters' choices because reasons such as the length of the course, the connection it has with reality, and the compulsory nature of the decision have huge significance. It has also been found that currently, influences such as friends, the need for roots, the application of prestigious professions, wear form tutors down, social image, the media, economic situation, competitiveness, commercial interests, and discrimination cause significant distortions in the formation of students' occupational perspectives.
This role is extremely important, as it provides the first phase in the process of value development in children. Parental child-rearing styles and outcomes, while a function of parental personality characteristics, beliefs, values, goals, and life management skills, may communicate values and goals, and anticipatory socialization in relation to career exploration and decision-making process. Through modeling and communication, the significant adults in a child's life communicate the values and aspirations they have for him or her. Additionally, execute social and economic controls by setting the number of constraints and rules, and establish a model for appropriate behaviors and interpersonal relationships. Socialization interaction theory provides understanding of vocational choice data in terms of the array of reinforcing, discriminating, and punishing responses children receive from significant adults in a variety of role models providing a constant stream of information about activities not eligible for consideration, only a few of which may be professionally defined. Children receive by direct implication knowledge about the demands of future work, the work climate, and the rewards associated with various occupational roles. These significant adults modify and shape what parts of the world are referred to and what the relative preferences among those are. Ideally, a diversified socialization might lead to the development of a vocational network. If pursuing this network would be adventitious, the individual might find the decision-making process easier or develop a general index of vocational exploration related to family interaction; and these indices imply different family structures and processes.
Many students report that their former education led them to expect work to resemble school, where rules are made by others and vary little. Yet, many neither like school nor unquestioningly accept all its rules and classes, social groups, and free time outside influence values and skills. In high school, a significantly larger percentage of students dropped out, whereas more students failed to graduate, and there were more disturbances in class. The overall quality of school life was better in the top 10 schools. The preponderance of chauvinism has led many through research, preschool children, as well as many mothers in home-training programs, to view non-sexist sex role training as foreign to the type of instruction in which the child involved is found and alien to his needs. The acculturation effects of schooling indicated in the origin of schools, its initial reluctance or refusal to educate girls, and its function in reinforcing social class differences and enforcing civic virtues on a heterogeneous population clearly cannot be dismissed when we are evaluating the merit of calls for systemic change.
The values that parents and early experiences transmit to an individual are often fiercely held and enduringly important. Childhood experiences and especially values in a transactional process that moves from the individual child to the nuclear and extended families to nonfamily kin and local social mobility networks. Yet the match between the ethos of an individual and the ethos of an occupation can be quite loose. This is so for at least two reasons. First, the common characteristics of members of an occupation or career are not at all strong, especially within the range of occupations a person is likely to be interested in. Second, clever people try to combine value attainment and occupational security in looking for careers, and few occupations reward the postponement of payment and position in order to have the pleasures of the task. If one receives little income and social regard from a job task, it would seem that the values one satisfies are important, even unique, contributors to any judgment that the job and occupation are worthwhile. However, data from the Educational Testing Service Affiliate Research Center suggest that of 12 occupational value differences, only two signaled job shift probabilities: (1) the number of extrinsic reasons to be an economist were positively related to returneeship to that occupation and (2) the rank differences between some other occupations and economist predicted that some economists would shift to teaching jobs. The lack of richer findings, which one ought to expect when mentioning value satisfaction about a job, encourages a sensitivity to alternative methods of measuring personal values about different jobs and careers.
This chapter explored how family, through such ways as parental occupation, family financial resources, and childrearing patterns, as well as the traits of the children themselves, influenced academic achievement and choice of a career in a science, engineering, or business field. The focus is particularly on the processes of socialization and the intergenerational links within the family that play major roles in an individual's understanding of self and experience of his or her social world. Besides family, education was found to play an important role in shaping the career tendencies of the subjects. A distinction was drawn between formal school effects and socialization into the hidden curriculum, each with different policy implications. The analysis suggests that insights on career choices may be obtained more effectively by careful joint consideration of family background, school-related factors, and personal values, reflecting mutual reinforcement among these three sources. This chapter aims to demonstrate that social inheritance processes can be understood more effectively through the study of the independent and interactive effects of family background, formal and hidden educational experiences, and personal values from a life course approach. We shall show that by such an approach, these three areas of influence are consistent with the "risk and protective" or cumulative perspective that has come to be emphasized in the literature. In the last decade, there has been a rapid accumulation of empirical evidence on factors that shape the social patterning of career choices. Many sociological contributions have emphasized occupational segmentation in the emphasis on the labor market pathways and differential career opportunities associated with stratification parameters, such as social class, social origins, and educational attainment. Such scholarship has been of important help in interpreting changing patterns of social mobility. Research on these topics has been conducted, almost exclusively, on people already in the workplace. The sociological examination of career orientation during the school years has been much less common. This study is an exception.
This paper provides a literature review of topics related to educational and career decisions with an emphasis on the influence of family, peer, and religious networks, personal values, and other relevant issues such as the relationship between effort and intrinsic and extrinsic rewards and the value of skills. Given a huge amount of literature covering these issues, our conclusions are quite simple and indicate the importance of these economic, sociological, or psychological aspects of educational and career decisions for designing policies in the fields of education or labor concerning early school leaving, schooling choices, setting up specific training programs in order to supply firms with skilled workers, forming migrants, and promoting integration. Families and educational systems are crucial in shaping children's and adolescents' preferences, dispositions, as well as the available sets of choices or future wage profiles. While some preferences and personal characteristics are deeply rooted into individuals, such as IQ or the demand for cognition, these results also shed doubt on the relevance of personal values, as measured by values circle or other sociology surveys. The observed relationship between education levels (the quality of) cognitive or non-cognitive skills on the one hand, and future individual outcomes such as earnings, unemployment, health, or satisfaction on the other, deserve more attention. It should be interesting to analyze how individual choices influence their outcomes, and conversely, how these outcomes may feedback onto earlier decisions, and if the latter implies redistribution policies. These questions are addressed by the last group of studies reviewed in Section 3, which related studies on subjective well-being or health and educational and career choices.
La importancia de la autoevaluación en el desarrollo personal y profesional.
1. Introducción a la Autoevaluación La autoevaluación es el proceso de captar información en forma de retroalimentación (feedback) sobre las estrategias de aprendizaje, y en general, sobre el desarrollo personal y profesional de las propias actividades y experiencias. Esta práctica tiene una gran importancia en la medida en que favorece el adecuado desarrollo de las competencias necesarias para el logro de los objetivos de la enseñanza y aprendizaje, además de ser una competencia fundamental en ...
1. Introduction There was a time when mathematics enjoyed a much improved reputation. It was highly respected, and the word mathematician was reserved for highly educated thinkers capable of solving the most difficult problems. It was the mathematical activity of laying the foundation of philosophical, theoretical, and practical issues. With the advent of the sciences and the continued development of the activities associated with them, mathematics took on the role of underlying the complete st ...
1. Introduction Globalization has increased the competition among workers to such an extent that its consequences are that lesser-skilled workers have much more to lose if foreign direct investment (FDI), outsourcing, and trade increase competition for their services. The major concern has typically been with reduced relative demand. The focus here is on the process producing these lowered demands. How does the global economy do what it does? What can policy do to mitigate the unwanted effects? ...
1. Introduction Pendidikan Islam, itself the expression of religious and faith-based approaches to education, has been influenced in the Muslim World - the Ummah - by Western education systems. This article examines the history of Pendidikan Islam, the role of the traditional religious educator within the Muslim community, and the development of modern education institutions which have leading roles in educating the teachers of Pendidikan Islam in different countries of the Muslim World and in ...
1. Introduction Young adulthood is a time of life when critical choices are made that may have lifelong repercussions. It is a time when the basic elements of adulthood are taking shape: free living, independent income, selection of a life partner, and child rearing. Today, the challenges facing young adults have multiplied greatly because of changing societal norms. These include the declining importance of female gender roles, delays in transition to adulthood, and decreased commitments of an ...
1. Introduction The relationship between social media and its implications for psychological and academic function remains an intriguing question. Social media has revolutionized the way we connect with others. While it promises open connections, these connections can develop into a myriad of negative impacts on the mental health of individuals, especially young students who spend a significant portion of their time on social media. With regard to impact on academic achievement especially, ther ...
1. Introduction The academic achievement of students in schools has been the concern of parents, educators, policymakers, and the public, and the discussions in this area have been ongoing for many years. It has long been a controversy and uncertainty among the stakeholders in education with the question of what influences students to perform better in their subjects and to show intention in learning. Realizing that students' academic achievement plays a very crucial role in the child's educati ...
1. Introduction Mathematics achievement has long been an issue of national concern in the United States. As early as 1983, A Nation at Risk indicated that nearly 20% of all 17-year-olds in the United States lacked the competency in mathematics expected of a 13-year-old. Other nations had also expressed concern about their students' mathematical competence and had embarked on national reforms of their mathematics education. Particularly in the United States, the federal government, with Robert T ...
Verywell / Alexandra Shytsman
What to eat for optimal performance, hydration makes a difference, sustainable nutrition habits, frequently asked questions.
Physical activity has many health benefits, whether you're a competitive athlete, play a recreational sport, or practice yoga. Nutrition and physical activity go hand in hand when maximizing your workouts or improving athletic performance.
What we eat before and after exercise—and every day—greatly affects how we feel and perform during activity. The right balance of macro and micronutrients may vary depending on your fitness level and the activity you perform. Still, it is important to get enough nutrition to maintain your health and optimize performance.
Proper nutrition is imperative to maximize athletic performance. Without enough carbohydrates , proteins , and fats, athletes may feel sluggish during a workout or ravenously hungry. Athletes may also need to focus on specific vitamins and minerals for fitness performance, such as iron, vitamin D , and zinc.
Nutrition for physical activity is highly individualized, so it is helpful to consult a sports dietitian to review your needs and make specific recommendations for your body and activity level.
While we frequently think about the health benefits of nutrition and physical activity separately, there is evidence that integrating both nutrition and physical activity produces greater benefits than focusing on one or the other.
Additionally, research shows that exercise informs food choices, and individuals who exercise may make more nutritious choices. Nutrition may also support muscle recovery by reducing inflammation. One study showed that individuals who were more physically active and had higher antioxidant intake had lower levels of systemic inflammation.
Consuming adequate amounts of macronutrients—carbohydrates, protein, and fat—to fuel our bodies is imperative for optimal exercise performance.
When it comes to fueling for exercise, finding the right balance and optimal timing of macronutrients for your body is key. Physical performance and recovery after exercise are enhanced by consuming carbohydrates and protein.
One study reviewed the effects of protein and carbohydrates on skeletal muscle regeneration given to athletes by shake or meal. Thirty-five individuals ran 10 kilometers (6.2 miles) and consumed either a protein and carbohydrate shake, a meal of white bread and sour milk cheese, or nothing. The study indicated that consuming carbohydrates and protein by shake or food was preferable, as it reduced exercise-induced skeletal muscle damage and had anti-inflammatory effects.
"Superfood" is a word used frequently by the food industry to market specific foods as offering maximum nutritional benefits or being exceptionally nutrient-dense.
While some foods are more nutritious than others and may positively affect health, it is essential to note that no single food is responsible for optimal health or disease prevention.
If you want to increase the nutrient density of your diet, including some of the following nutritious foods is an excellent place to start. These foods—including leafy greens, berries, eggs , sweet potato , and turmeric, contain antioxidants, complex carbohydrates , and protein and are beneficial for athletic performance.
Dark green leafy vegetables are packed with important nutrients such as folate, zinc, calcium, magnesium , iron, vitamin C, and fiber. Eating leafy greens, such as spinach , kale , collard greens , and Swiss chard, can muscle function in men and women engaging in physical activity.
Additionally, nitrates in leafy greens convert to nitric oxide, opening blood vessels and improving blood flow during exercise . You can incorporate dark leafy green vegetables into your diet by making kale salads, sautéing spinach into eggs for breakfast, or blending them into a smoothie .
Berries are known for their powerful antioxidant properties, making them an important part of an athlete's diet. Exercise causes oxidative stress, which results in the production of free radicals, muscle damage, and fatigue. Including antioxidants in the diet may help enhance athletic performance by decreasing muscle damage and inflammation.
Top a yogurt parfait with blueberries , blend strawberries into a smoothie, or add raspberries or blackberries to a salad to get an antioxidant punch.
Eggs, including the yolks, are rich in B vitamins , choline, iron, antioxidants, and high-quality protein, which is important for muscle recovery and repair. The protein in eggs is considered to have high bioavailability, meaning it is easily digested and efficiently metabolized by the body.
Additionally, eggs contain fatty acids that are important for heart health as well as vitamins and minerals that help with cell growth and tissue repair. Eggs are an easy and quick breakfast, scrambled with veggies or hardboiled for grab-and-go.
Sweet potatoes are root vegetables packed with potassium, fiber, and vitamins A and C. They are an excellent source of complex carbohydrates needed by athletes for fuel. Getting enough potassium also reduces fatigue, muscle cramps, and the feeling of weakness.
Sweet potatoes can be incorporated into your diet in several ways. Top a baked sweet potato with Greek yogurt and almond butter for breakfast, roast potato wedges and add them to a salad, or bake until crispy and enjoy as sweet potato fries with a burger .
Turmeric is a bright yellow spice, originally from India, used for cooking and medicinal benefits. It is best known for its antioxidant and anti-inflammatory effects and may play a role in preventing chronic diseases such as cancer, heart disease, and diabetes.
Turmeric is also a more recent focus of post-exercise recovery research. Evidence suggests individuals who use turmeric after a workout reduced muscle pain and damage, and decreased inflammatory markers.
Incorporate turmeric into your routine by sprinkling the spice on roasted vegetables , adding it to a curry , or making golden milk . Turmeric is also available in supplement form .
Adequate hydration is imperative to overall health and exercise performance. We all lose water through normal bodily functions like breathing, digestion, and sweating. Athletes need to replace additional water and electrolytes lost through exertion during exercise.
Dehydration can lead to cardiovascular strain, altered metabolic function, and increased body temperature. Individuals also lose sodium , potassium, calcium, and magnesium with sweat. To avoid dehydration, it is important to ensure you are drinking before , during, and after exercise to maintain adequate hydration levels.
Whether you're training to run one mile, your first 5K, or a marathon, start with small and realistic nutrition and hydration goals. Trying to overhaul your entire diet at once can feel overwhelming, and is likely unsustainable. Small goals are more sustainable and, therefore, more beneficial in the long term.
If you feel your hydration is lacking, try investing in a fun water bottle . Flavor your water with fresh fruit or liquid beverage enhancers if you like your water to have a taste. Try adding one extra glass of water to your day.
Looking to include more antioxidants in your diet? Try adding one fruit and one vegetable to your meals each day. Pick one new nutrient-dense food and add it to your weekly meal plan . Add one each week, and soon enough, you will have greatly increased the variety of vitamins and minerals in your diet.
The importance of good nutrition on physical fitness cannot be overstated. Sustainable, enjoyable nutrition habits are key to reaching your goals. It can be tempting to follow a fad diet or social media trend, but frequently these diets are restrictive and unsustainable. If you have questions or concerns or want individualized nutrition recommendations, seek advice from a registered dietitian .
S.M.A.R.T goals stand for Specific, Measurable, Achievable, Realistic, and Time-Bound. S.M.A.R.T goals serve as small, doable action steps to help you change your behavior and achieve your goal. An example of a S.M.A.R.T goal is "I will include one vegetable at dinner 3 nights this week."
Nutrition impacts so much of our ability to function, from our physical to mental wellbeing. Incorporating nutritious foods in your diet and eating a balance of carbohydrates, protein, and fat appropriate for your needs can positively affect your everyday life and fitness performance.
Nutrition needs vary based on many factors, including age and life stage. As we age, we may experience some changes, such as bone loss, loss of muscle mass, thinner skin, and less stomach acid. Some of these changes may make you prone to nutrient deficiencies and you may need to increase your intake of certain foods or add supplements. Aging also causes a slower metabolism and decreased calorie needs.
Several factors affect your nutritional needs, including genetics, health status, environment , gut health, stage of life, fitness and activity level, and medications. Speak with a registered dietitian to better estimate your individual nutritional needs.
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Sim M, Blekkenhorst LC, Bondonno NP, et al. Dietary Nitrate Intake Is Positively Associated with Muscle Function in Men and Women Independent of Physical Activity Levels . J Nutr . 2021;151(5):1222-1230. doi:10.1093/jn/nxaa415
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By Darla Leal Darla Leal is a Master Fitness Trainer, freelance writer, and the creator of Stay Healthy Fitness, where she embraces a "fit-over-55" lifestyle.
Dear Members of the McGill Community,
Welcome to a new academic year!
We are thrilled to see our university spring to life as students and colleagues from across the globe – indeed, more than 150 countries – unite on our beautiful campuses following the summer break. The promise and anticipation – of discovery, of new friendships, and of intellectual adventure – is palpable as we all get set to begin the Fall term.
The start of a new academic year offers us the chance to reaffirm our shared commitment to McGill’s Mission and Principles : academic freedom, integrity, responsibility, equity, and inclusiveness.
Drawing on these principles, each of us is entitled to be part of a campus community that affords us respect, inclusion, and support in our efforts to flourish in our academic pursuits. At the same time, we are all called upon to do our part to ensure that those around us also enjoy a respectful, inclusive, and supportive campus climate.
These commitments to a respectful, inclusive, and supportive campus are elaborated on in our policies, notably those related to academic freedom , harassment and discrimination , and sexual violence . We urge you to become familiar with these policies and the rights and responsibilities they confer.
Our return to campus this year is, however, marked by heightened global tensions, which have had reverberations for universities everywhere, including here at McGill. In this moment of social polarization, many intense forces stand to divide or alienate us from one another. Nonetheless, we are committed to working tirelessly to sustain collegiality, respect, and engagement even across stark difference and disagreement.
We invite you to join us in this work, as this critical juncture necessitates our collective commitment and engagement.
What does this mean, concretely? To begin, it requires us to understand that our words and actions affect others, whether we are in the same room or engaging via social media. Regardless of our intent, we must consider how others might receive what we do or say. We are therefore called to practice compassion, grace, and care for others, even – perhaps especially – when our instincts propel us firmly in the other direction.
This cardinal rule, of thinking about the effects of our words and acts on others, is especially important in our shared spaces, such as classrooms, labs, and residences. It is equally critical in situations where we exercise power and influence over others, which is the case of instructors, teaching assistants, and coaches in relation to students.
Our collective spaces, notably where students learn and engage in campus life, must be learner- and knowledge-focused. In these settings, personal and professional integrity and trust are paramount. This means that these spaces can never be misappropriated – especially by those in positions of authority – as a platform to persuade others of their political position. This would be diametrically opposed to the University’s Mission and Principles, named above, and to the academic responsibilities of those responsible for teaching, learning, research, and student life at McGill.
Over the weeks and months ahead, we will be sharing news about forthcoming initiatives at McGill that seek to focus campus connections and dialogue on crucial and contentious questions. Please be on the lookout for invitations to participate. We welcome a plurality of voices at these important tables, which will centre respectful and thoughtful engagement.
Normally, a message of this kind would close by wishing you a happy, healthy, and successful academic term. This is, of course, our wish for you. This year, however, we add an expression of hope that we can collaborate to centre outreach, dialogue, collegiality, and peace in our relations with each other.
Christopher Manfredi Provost and Executive Vice-President (Academic)
Angela Campbell
Interim Deputy Provost (Student Life and Learning)
Resources for students and staff:
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Student Accessibility & Achievement (for students)
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McGill University is on land which has long served as a site of meeting and exchange amongst Indigenous peoples, including the Haudenosaunee and Anishinabeg nations. We acknowledge and thank the diverse Indigenous peoples whose presence marks this territory on which peoples of the world now gather. Learn more about the land you’re on by following this link , and commit to taking action to support local Indigenous communities.
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Education is at the heart of this country’s many divisions..
Blue America is an increasingly wealthy and well-educated place.
Throughout the second half of the 20th century, Americans without college degrees were more likely than university graduates to vote Democratic. But that gap began narrowing in the late 1960s before finally flipping in 2004 .
John F. Kennedy lost college-educated voters by a two-to-one margin yet won the presidency thanks to overwhelming support among white voters without a degree. Sixty years later, our second Catholic president charted a much different path to the White House, losing non-college-educated whites by a two-to-one margin while securing 60 percent of the college-educated vote. The latest New York Times /Siena poll of the 2022 midterms showed this pattern holding firm, with Democrats winning 55 percent of voters with bachelor’s degrees but only 39 percent of those without.
A more educated Democratic coalition is, naturally, a more affluent one. In every presidential election from 1948 to 2012, white voters in the top 5 percent of America’s income distribution were more Republican than those in the bottom 95 percent. Now, the opposite is true: Among America’s white majority, the rich voted to the left of the middle class and the poor in 2016 and 2020, while the poor voted to the right of the middle class and the rich.
In political-science parlance, the collapse of the New Deal–era alignment — in which voters’ income levels strongly predicted their partisan preference — is often referred to as “class dealignment.” The increasing tendency for politics to divide voters along educational lines, meanwhile, is known as “education polarization.”
There are worse things for a political coalition to be than affluent or educated. Professionals vote and donate at higher rates than blue-collar workers. But college graduates also comprise a minority of the electorate — and an underrepresented minority at that. America’s electoral institutions all give disproportionate influence to parts of the country with low levels of educational attainment. And this is especially true of the Senate . Therefore, if the coalitional trends of the past half-century continue unabated — and Democrats keep gaining college-educated votes at the expense of working-class ones — the party will find itself locked out of federal power. Put differently, such a development would put an increasingly authoritarian GOP on the glide path to political dominance.
And unless education polarization is substantially reversed , progressives are likely to continue seeing their reform ambitions pared back sharply by Congress’s upper chamber, even when Democrats manage to control it.
These realities have generated a lively intra-Democratic debate over the causes and implications of class dealignment. To some pundits , consultants, and data journalists , the phenomenon’s fundamental cause is the cultural divide between educated professionals and the working class. In their telling, college graduates in general — and Democratic college graduates in particular — tend to have different social values, cultural sensibilities, and issue priorities than the median non-college-educated voter. As the New York Times ’s Nate Cohn puts the point, college graduates tend to be more cosmopolitan and culturally liberal, report higher levels of social trust, and are more likely to “attribute racial inequality, crime, and poverty to complex structural and systemic problems” rather than “individualist and parochial explanations.”
What’s more, since blue America’s journalists, politicians, and activists are overwhelmingly college graduates, highly educated liberals exert disproportionate influence over their party’s actions and identity. Therefore, as the Democrats’ well-credentialed wing has swelled, the party’s image and ideological positioning have grown more reflective of the professional class’s distinct tastes — and thus less appealing to the electorate’s working-class majority.
This theory does not sit well with all Democratic journalists, politicians, and activists. Some deny the existence of a diploma divide on cultural values, while others insist on its limited political salience. Many progressives attribute class dealignment to America’s pathological racial politics and/or the Democrats’ failures of economic governance . In this account, the New Deal coalition was unmade by a combination of a backlash to Black Americans’ growing prominence in Democratic politics and the Democratic Party’s failures to prevent its former working-class base from suffering decades of stagnant living standards and declining life expectancy .
An appreciation of these developments is surely indispensable for understanding class dealignment in the United States. But they don’t tell the whole story. Education polarization is not merely an American phenomenon; it is a defining feature of contemporary politics in nearly every western democracy . It is therefore unlikely that our nation’s white-supremacist history can fully explain the development. And though center-left parties throughout the West have shared some common failings, these inadequacies cannot tell us why many working-class voters have not merely dropped out of politics but rather begun voting for parties even more indifferent to their material interests.
In my view, education polarization cannot be understood without a recognition of the values divide between educated professionals and working people in the aggregate. That divide is rooted in each class’s disparate ways of life, economic imperatives, socialization experiences, and levels of material security. By itself, the emergence of this gap might not have been sufficient to trigger class dealignment, but its adverse political implications have been greatly exacerbated by the past half-century of inequitable growth, civic decline, and media fragmentation.
Educated professionals tend to be more socially liberal than the general public. In fact, the correlation between high levels of educational attainment and social liberalism is among the most robust in political science. As early as the 1950s, researchers documented the tendency of college graduates to espouse more progressive views than the general public on civil liberties and gender roles. In the decades since, as the political scientist Elizabeth Simon writes , this correlation has held up with “remarkable geographical and temporal consistency.” Across national boundaries and generations, voters with college degrees have been more likely than those without to support legal abortion, LGBTQ+ causes, the rights of racial minorities, and expansive immigration. They are also more likely to hold “post-material” policy priorities — which is to say, to prioritize issues concerning individual autonomy, cultural values, and big-picture social goals above those concerning one’s immediate material and physical security. This penchant is perhaps best illustrated by the highly educated’s distinctively strong support for environmental causes, even in cases when ecological preservation comes at a cost to economic growth.
Underlying these disparate policy preferences are distinct psychological profiles. The college educated are more likely to espouse moral values and attitudes associated with the personality trait “ openness to experience .” High “openness” individuals are attracted to novelty, skeptical of traditional authority, and prize personal freedom and cultural diversity. “Closed” individuals, by contrast, have an aversion to the unfamiliar and are therefore attracted to moral principles that promote certainty, order, and security. Virtually all human beings fall somewhere between these two ideal types. But the college educated as a whole are closer to the “open” end of the continuum than the general public is.
All of these distinctions between more- and less-educated voters are probabilistic, not absolute. There are Catholic theocrats with Harvard Ph.D.’s and anarchists who dropped out of high school. A nation the size of the U.S. is surely home to many millions of working-class social liberals and well-educated reactionaries. Political attitudes do not proceed automatically from any demographic characteristic, class position, or psychological trait. At the individual level, ideology is shaped by myriad historical inheritances and social experiences.
And yet, if people can come by socially liberal, “high openness” politics from any walk of life, they are much more likely to do so if that walk cuts across a college campus. (And, of course, they are even more likely to harbor this distinct psychological and ideological profile if they graduate from college and then choose to become professionally involved in Democratic politics.)
There are a few theoretical explanations for this. One holds that spending your late adolescence on a college campus tends to socialize you into cultural liberalism: Through some combination of increased exposure to people from a variety of geographic backgrounds, or the iconoclastic ethos of a liberal-arts education, or the predominantly left-of-center university faculty , or the substantive content of curricula, people tend to leave college with a more cosmopolitan and “open” worldview than they had upon entering.
Proving this theory is difficult since doing so requires controlling for selection effects. Who goes to college is not determined by random chance. The subset of young people who have the interests, aptitudes, and opportunities necessary for pursuing higher education have distinct characteristics long before they show up on campus. Some social scientists contend that such “selection effects” entirely explain the distinct political tendencies of college graduates. After all, the “high openness” personality trait is associated with higher IQs and more interest in academics. So perhaps attending college doesn’t lead people to develop culturally liberal sensibilities so much as developing culturally liberal sensibilities leads people to go to college.
Some research has tried to account for this possibility. Political scientists in the United Kingdom have managed to control for the preadult views and backgrounds of college graduates by exploiting surveys that tracked the same respondents through adolescence and into adulthood. Two recent analyses of such data have found that the college experience does seem to directly increase a person’s likelihood of becoming more socially liberal in their 20s than they were in their teens.
A separate study from the U.S. sought to control for the effects of familial background and childhood experiences by examining the disparate “sociopolitical” attitudes of sibling pairs in which one went to college while the other did not. It found that attending college was associated with greater “support for civil liberties and egalitarian gender-role beliefs.”
Other recent research , however, suggests that even these study designs may fail to control for all of the background factors that bias college attendees toward liberal views before they arrive on campus. So we have some good evidence that attending college directly makes people more culturally liberal, but that evidence is not entirely conclusive.
Yet if one posits that higher education does not produce social liberals but merely attracts them, a big theoretical problem remains: Why has the population of social liberals increased in tandem with that of college graduates?
The proportion of millennials who endorse left-wing views on issues of race, gender, immigration , and the environment is higher than the proportion of boomers who do so. And such views are more prevalent within the baby-boom generation than they were among the Silent Generation. This cannot be explained merely as a consequence of America’s burgeoning racial diversity, since similar generational patterns have been observed in European nations with lower rates of ethnic change. But the trend is consistent with another component of demographic drift: Each successive generation has had a higher proportion of college graduates than its predecessor. Between 1950 and 2019, the percentage of U.S. adults with bachelor’s degrees increased from 4 percent to 33 percent.
Perhaps rising college attendance did not directly cause the “high-openness,” post-material, culturally progressive proportion of the population to swell. But then, what did?
One possibility is that, even if mass college attendance does not directly promote the development of “high openness” values, the mass white-collar economy does. If socially liberal values are well suited to the demands and lifeways inherent to professional employment in a globally integrated economy, then, as such employment expands, we would expect a larger share of the population to adopt socially liberal values. And there is indeed reason to think the professional vocation lends itself to social liberalism.
Entering the professional class often requires not only a four-year degree, but also, a stint in graduate school or a protracted period of overwork and undercompensation at the lowest ranks of one’s field. This gives the class’s aspirants a greater incentive to postpone procreation until later in life than the median worker. That in turn may give them a heightened incentive to favor abortion rights and liberal sexual mores.
The demands of the professional career may influence value formation in other ways. As a team of political scientists from Harvard and the University of Bonn argued in a 2020 paper , underlying the ideological divide between social liberals and conservatives may be a divergence in degrees of “moral universalism,” i.e., “the extent to which people’s altruism and trust remain constant as social distance increases.” Conservatives tend to feel stronger obligations than liberals to their own kin and neighbors and their religious, ethnic, and racial groups. Liberals, by contrast, tend to spread their altruism and trust thinner across a wider sphere of humanity; they are less compelled by the particularist obligations of inherited group loyalties and more apt to espouse a universalist ethos in which all individuals are of equal moral concern, irrespective of their group attachments.
Given that pursuing a professional career often requires leaving one’s native community and entering meritocratic institutions that are ideologically and legally committed to the principle that group identities matter less than individual aptitudes, the professional vocation may favor the development of a morally universalistic outlook — and thus more progressive views on questions of anti-discrimination and weaker identification with inherited group identities.
Further, in a globalized era, white-collar workers will often need to work with colleagues on other continents and contemplate social and economic developments in far-flung places. This may encourage both existing and aspiring professionals to develop more cosmopolitan outlooks.
Critically, parents who are themselves professionals — or who aspire for their children to secure a place in the educated, white-collar labor force — may seek to inculcate these values in their kids from a young age. For example, my own parents sent me to a magnet elementary school where students were taught Japanese starting in kindergarten. This curriculum was designed to appeal to parents concerned with their children’s capacity to thrive in the increasingly interconnected (and, in the early 1990s American imagination, increasingly Japanese-dominated) economy of tomorrow.
In this way, the expansion of the white-collar sector may increase the prevalence of “high-openness” cosmopolitan traits and values among rising generations long before they arrive on campus.
Ronald Inglehart’s theory of “ cultural evolution ” provides a third, complementary explanation for both the growing prevalence of social liberalism over the past half-century and for that ideology’s disproportionate popularity among the college educated.
In Inglehart’s account, people who experience material security in youth tend to develop distinctive values and preferences from those who do not: If childhood teaches you to take your basic material needs for granted, you’re more likely to develop culturally progressive values and post-material policy priorities.
Inglehart first formulated this theory in 1971 to explain the emerging cultural gap between the baby boomers and their parents. He noted that among western generations born before World War II, very large percentages had known hunger at some point in their formative years. The Silent Generation, for its part, had come of age in an era of economic depression and world wars. Inglehart argued that such pervasive material and physical insecurity was unfavorable soil for social liberalism: Under conditions of scarcity, human beings have a strong inclination to defer to established authority and tradition, to distrust out-groups, and to prize order and material security above self-expression and individual autonomy.
But westerners born into the postwar boom encountered a very different world from the Depression-wracked, war-torn one of their parents, let alone the cruel and unforgiving one encountered by common agriculturalists since time immemorial. Their world was one of rapid and widespread income growth. And these unprecedentedly prosperous conditions engendered a shift in the postwar generation’s values: When the boomers reached maturity, an exceptionally large share of the cohort evinced post-material priorities and espoused tolerance for out-groups, support for gender equality, concern for the environment, and antipathy for social hierarchies.
Since this transformation in values wasn’t rooted merely in the passage of time — but rather in the experience of abundance — it did not impact all social classes equally. Educated professionals are disproportionately likely to have had stable, middle-class childhoods. Thus, across the West, the post-material minority was disproportionately composed of college graduates in general and elite ones in particular. As Inglehart reported in 1981 , “among those less than 35 years old with jobs that lead to top management and top civil-service posts, Post-Materialists outnumber Materialists decisively: their numerical preponderance here is even greater than it is among students.”
As with most big-picture models of political development, Inglehart’s theory is reductive and vulnerable to myriad objections. But his core premise — that, all else being equal, material abundance favors social liberalism while scarcity favors the opposite — has much to recommend it. As the World Values Survey has demonstrated, a nation’s degree of social liberalism (a.k.a. “self-expression values”) tightly correlates with its per-capita income. Meanwhile, as nations become wealthier, each successive generation tends to become more socially liberal than the previous one.
Critically, the World Values Survey data does not show an ineluctable movement toward ever-greater levels of social liberalism. Rather, when nations backslide economically, their populations’ progressivism declines. In the West, recessions have tended to reduce the prevalence of post-material values and increase support for xenophobic parties. But the relationship between material security and cultural liberalism is demonstrated most starkly by the experience of ex-communist states, many of which suffered a devastating collapse in living standards following the Soviet Union’s fall. In Russia and much of Eastern Europe, popular support for culturally progressive values plummeted around 1990 and has remained depressed ever since.
Inglehart’s theory offers real insights. As an account of education polarization, however, it presents a bit of a puzzle: If material security is the key driver of social liberalism, why have culture wars bifurcated electorates along lines of education instead of income? Put differently: Despite the material security provided by a high salary, when one controls for educational attainment, having a high income remains strongly associated with voting for conservatives.
One way to resolve this tension is to stipulate that the first two theories of education polarization we examined are also right: While material security is conducive to social liberalism, the college experience and demands of professional-class vocations are perhaps even more so. Thus, high-income voters who did not go to college will tend to be less socially liberal than those who did.
Separately, earning a high income is strongly associated with holding conservative views on fiscal policy. Therefore, even if the experience of material security biases high-income voters toward left-of-center views on cultural issues, their interest in low taxes may nevertheless compel them to vote for right-wing parties.
Voters with high levels of education but low incomes, meanwhile, are very often children of the middle class who made dumb career choices like, say, going into journalism. Such voters’ class backgrounds would theoretically bias them toward a socially liberal orientation, while their meager earnings would give them little reason to value conservative fiscal policy. Perhaps for this reason, “ high-education low-income voters ” are among the most reliably left-wing throughout the western world.
In any case, whatever qualifications and revisions we would wish to make to Inglehart’s theory, one can’t deny its prescience. In 1971, Inglehart forecast that intergenerational value change would redraw the lines of political conflict throughout the West. In his telling, the emergence of a novel value orientation that was disproportionately popular with influential elites would naturally shift the terrain of political conflict. And it would do so in a manner that undermined materialist, class-based voting: If conventional debates over income distribution pulled at the affluent right and the working-class left, the emerging cultural disputes pulled each in the opposite direction.
This proved to be, in the words of Gabriel Almond, “one of the few examples of successful prediction in political science.”
Whether we attribute the social liberalism of college graduates to their experiences on campus, their class’s incentive structures, their relative material security, or a combination of all three, a common set of predictions about western political development follows.
First, we would expect to see the political salience of cultural conflicts start to increase in the 1960s and ’70s as educated professionals became a mass force in western politics. Second, relatedly, we would expect that the historic correlation between having a college degree and voting for the right would start gradually eroding around the same time, owing to the heightened prominence of social issues.
Finally, we would expect education polarization to be most pronounced in countries where (1) economic development is most advanced (and thus the professional sector is most expansive) and (2) left-wing and right-wing parties are most sharply divided on cultural questions.
In their paper “Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948–2020,” Amory Gethin, Clara Martínez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty confirm all of these expectations.
The paper analyzes nearly every manifesto (a.k.a. “platform”) put forward by left-wing and right-wing parties in the past 300 elections. As anticipated by Inglehart, the researchers found that right-wing and left-wing parties began to develop distinct positions on “sociocultural” issues in the 1970s and that these distinctions grew steadily more profound over the ensuing 50 years. Thus, the salience of cultural issues did indeed increase just as college graduates became an electorally significant demographic.
As cultural conflict became more prominent, educated professionals became more left-wing. Controlling for other variables, in the mid-20th century, having a college diploma made one more likely to vote for parties of the right. By 2020, in virtually all of the western democracies, this relationship had inverted.
Some popular narratives attribute this realignment to discrete historical events, such as the Cold War’s end, China’s entry into the WTO, or the 2008 crash. But the data show no sudden reversal in education’s political significance. Instead, the authors write, the West saw “a very progressive, continuous reversal of educational divides, which unfolded decades before any of these events took place and has carried on uninterruptedly until today.” This finding is consistent with the notion that class dealignment is driven by gradual changes in western societies’ demographic and economic characteristics, such as the steady expansion of the professional class.
The paper provides further support for the notion that education polarization is a by-product of economic development: The three democracies where college-educated voters have not moved sharply to the left in recent decades — Ireland, Portugal, and Spain — are all relative latecomers to industrialization.
Finally, and perhaps most important, the authors established a strong correlation between “sociocultural polarization” — the degree to which right-wing and left-wing parties emphasize sharply divergent cultural positions — and education polarization. In other words: Countries where parties are highly polarized on social issues tend to have electorates that are highly polarized along educational lines.
It seems reasonable then to conclude (1) that there really is a cultural divide between educated professionals and the working class in the aggregate and (2) that this gap has been a key driver of class dealignment. Indeed, if we accept the reality of the diploma divide, then an increase of education-based voting over the past 50 years would seem almost inevitable: If you have two social groups with distinct cultural values and one group goes from being 4 percent of the electorate to 35 percent of it, debates about those values will probably become more politically prominent.
And of course, mass higher education wasn’t the only force increasing the salience of social conflict in the West over the past half-century. If economic development increased the popularity of “post-material” values, it also made it easier for marginalized groups to contest traditional hierarchies. As job opportunities for women expanded, they became less dependent on the patriarchal family for material security and thus were more liable to challenge it. As racial minorities secured a foothold in the middle class, they had more resources with which to fight discrimination.
And yet, if an increase in sociocultural polarization — and thus in education polarization — is a foregone conclusion, the magnitude of these shifts can’t be attributed to the existence of cultural divides alone.
Rather, transformations in the economic, civic, and media landscapes of western society since the 1970s have increased the salience and severity of the diploma divide.
To polarize an electorate around cultural conflicts rooted in education, you don’t just need to increase the salience of social issues. You also need to reduce the salience of material disputes rooted in class. Alas, the economic developments of the past 50 years managed to do both.
The class-based alignment that defined western politics in the mid-20th century emerged from a particular set of economic conditions. In the early stages of industrialization, various factors had heightened the class consciousness of wage laborers. Such workers frequently lived in densely settled, class-segregated neighborhoods in the immediate vicinity of large labor-intensive plants. This close proximity cultivated solidarity, as divisions between the laborer’s working and social worlds were few. And the vast scale of industrial enterprises abetted organizing drives, as trade unions could rapidly gain scale by winning over a single shop.
By encouraging their members to view politics through the lens of class and forcing political elites to reckon with workers’ demands, strong trade unions helped to keep questions of income distribution and workers’ rights at the center of political debate and the forefront of voters’ minds. In so doing, they also helped to win western workers in general — and white male ones in particular — unprecedented shares of national income.
But this bargain between business and labor had always been contingent on robust growth. In the postwar era of rising productivity, it was possible for profits and wages to increase in tandem. But in the 1970s, western economies came under stress. Rising energy costs and global competition thinned profit margins, rendering business owners more hostile to labor’s demands both within the shop and in politics. Stagflation — the simultaneous appearance of high unemployment and high inflation — gave an opening to right-wing critics of the postwar order, who argued that the welfare state and pro-labor macroeconomic policies had sapped productivity.
Meanwhile, various long-term economic trends began undermining industrial unionism. Automation inevitably reduced the labor intensity of factories in the West. The advent of the shipping container eased the logistical burdens of globalizing production, while the industrialization of low-wage developing countries increased the incentives for doing so. Separately, as western consumers grew more affluent, they began spending less of their income on durable goods and more on services like health care (one needs only so many toasters, but the human desire for greater longevity and physical well-being is nigh-insatiable). These developments reduced both the economic leverage and the political weight of industrial workers. And since western service sectors had lower rates of unionization, deindustrialization weakened organized labor.
All this presented center-left parties with a difficult challenge. In the face of deindustrialization, an increasingly anti-labor corporate sector, an increasingly conservative economic discourse, an embattled union movement, and a globalizing economy, such parties needed to formulate new models for achieving shared prosperity. And they had to do so while managing rising cultural tensions within their coalitions.
They largely failed.
Countering the postindustrial economy’s tendencies toward inequality would have required radical reforms. Absent policies promoting the unionization of the service sector, deindustrialization inevitably weakened labor. Absent drastic changes in the allocation of posttax income, automation and globalization redistributed economic gains away from “low skill” workers and toward the most productive — or well-situated — professionals, executives, and entrepreneurs.
The United States had more power than any western nation to standardize such reforms and establish a relatively egalitarian postindustrial model. Yet the Democratic Party could muster neither the political will nor the imagination to do so. Instead, under Jimmy Carter, it acquiesced to various policies that reinforced the postindustrial economy’s tendencies toward inequality, while outsourcing key questions of economic management to financial markets and the Federal Reserve. The Reagan administration took this inegalitarian and depoliticized model of economic governance to new extremes. And to highly varying degrees, its inequitable and market-fundamentalist creed influenced the policies of future U.S. administrations and other western governments.
As a result, the past five decades witnessed a great divergence in the economic fortunes of workers with and without college diplomas, while the western working class (a.k.a. the “lower middle class”) became the primary “losers” of globalization .
The center-left parties’ failures to avert a decline in the economic security and status of ordinary workers discredited them with much of their traditional base. And their failure to reinvigorate organized labor undermined the primary institutions that politicize workers into a progressive worldview. These shortcomings, combined with the market’s increasingly dominant role in economic management, reduced the political salience of left-right divides on economic policy. This in turn gave socially conservative working-class voters fewer reasons to vote for center-left parties and gave affluent social liberals fewer reasons to oppose them. In western nations where organized labor remains relatively strong (such as Norway, Sweden, and Finland), education polarization has been relatively mild, while in those countries where it is exceptionally weak (such as the United States), the phenomenon has been especially pronounced.
Finally, the divergent economic fortunes of workers and professionals might have abetted education polarization in one other way: Given that experiencing abundance encourages social liberalism — while experiencing scarcity discourages it — the past half-century of inequitable growth might have deepened cultural divisions between workers with degrees and those without.
While the evolution of western economies increased the class distance between college graduates and other workers, the evolution of western civil societies increased the social distance between each group.
Back in the mid-20th century, the college educated still constituted a tiny minority of western populations, while mass-membership institutions — from trade unions to fraternal organizations to political parties — still dominated civic life. In that context, an educated professional who wished to exercise political influence often needed to join a local chapter of a cross-class civic association or political party and win election to a leadership position within that organization by securing the confidence of its membership.
That changed once educated professionals became a mass constituency in their own right. As the college-educated population ballooned and concentrated itself within urban centers, it became easier for interest groups to swing elections and pressure lawmakers without securing working-class support. At the same time, the proliferation of “knowledge workers” set off an arms race between interest and advocacy groups looking to influence national legislation and election outcomes. Job opportunities for civic-minded professionals in think tanks, nonprofits, and foundations proliferated. And thanks to growing pools of philanthropic money and the advent of direct-mail fundraising, these organizations could sustain themselves without recruiting an active mass membership.
Thus, the professional’s path to political influence dramatically changed. Instead of working one’s way up through close-knit local groups — and bending them toward one’s political goals through persuasion — professionals could join (or donate to) nationally oriented advocacy groups already aligned with their preferences, which could then advance their policy aims by providing legislators with expert guidance and influencing public opinion through media debates.
As the political scientist Theda Skocpol demonstrates in her book Diminished Democracy , college graduates began defecting from mass-membership civic organizations in the 1970s, in an exodus that helped precipitate their broader decline.
Combined with the descent of organized labor, the collapse of mass participation in civic groups and political parties untethered the broad left from working-class constituencies. As foundation-funded NGOs displaced trade unions in the progressive firmament, left-wing parties became less directly accountable to their less-educated supporters. This made such parties more liable to embrace the preferences and priorities of educated professionals over those of the median working-class voter.
Meanwhile, in the absence of a thriving civic culture, voters became increasingly reliant on the mass media for their political information.
The dominant media technology of the mid-20th century — broadcast television — favored oligopoly. Given the exorbitant costs of mounting a national television network in that era, the medium was dominated by a small number of networks, each with an incentive to appeal to a broad audience. This discouraged news networks from cultivating cultural controversy while empowering them to establish a broadly shared information environment.
Cable and the internet have molded a radically different media landscape. Today, news outlets compete in a hypersaturated attentional market that encourages both audience specialization and sensationalism. In a world where consumers have abundant infotainment options, voters who read at a graduate-school level and those who read at an eighth-grade level are unlikely to favor the same content. And the same is true of voters with liberal and conservative sensibilities — especially since the collapse of a common media ecosystem leads ideologues to occupy disparate factual universes. The extraordinary nature of today’s media ecology is well illustrated by this chart from Martin Gurri’s book, The Revolt of the Public :
This information explosion abets education polarization for straightforward reasons: Since the college educated and non-college educated have distinct tastes in media, in a highly competitive attentional market, they will patronize different outlets and accept divergent facts.
Further, in the specific economic and social context we’ve been examining, the modern media environment is fertile terrain for reactionary entrepreneurs who wish to cultivate grievance against the professional elite. After all, as we’ve seen, that elite (1) subscribes to some values that most working-class people reject, (2) commandeers a wildly disproportionate share of national income and economic status, and (3) dominates the leadership of major political parties and civic groups to an unprecedented degree.
The political efficacy of such right-wing “populist” programming has been repeatedly demonstrated. Studies have found that exposure to Fox News increases Republican vote share and that the expansion of broadband internet into rural areas leads to higher levels of partisan hostility and lower levels of ticket splitting (i.e., more ideologically consistent voting) as culturally conservative voters gain access to more ideologically oriented national news reporting, commentary, and forums.
The idea that education polarization arises from deep structural tendencies in western society may inspire a sense of powerlessness. And the notion that it emerges in part from a cultural divide between professionals and working people may invite ideological discomfort, at least among well-educated liberals.
But the fact that some center-left parties have managed to retain more working-class support than others suggests that the Democrats have the capacity to broaden (or narrow) their coalition. Separately, the fact that college-educated liberals have distinct social values does not require us to forfeit them.
The commentators most keen to acknowledge the class dimensions of the culture wars typically aim to discredit the left by doing so. Right-wing polemicists often suggest that progressives’ supposedly compassionate social preferences are mere alibis for advancing the professional class’s material interests. But such arguments are almost invariably weak. Progressive social views may be consonant with professional-class interests, but they typically represent attempts to universalize widely held ideals of freedom and equality. The college educated’s cosmopolitan inclinations are also adaptive for a world that is unprecedentedly interconnected and interdependent and in which population asymmetries between the rich and developing worlds create opportunities for mutual gain through migration , if only xenophobia can be overcome. And of course, in an era of climate change, the professional class’s strong concern for the environment is more than justified.
Nevertheless, professional-class progressives must recognize that our social values are not entirely unrelated to our class position. They are not an automatic by-product of affluence and erudition, nor the exclusive property of the privileged. But humans living in rich, industrialized nations are considerably more likely to harbor these values than those in poor, agrarian ones. And Americans who had the privilege of spending their late adolescence at institutions of higher learning are more likely to embrace social liberalism than those who did not.
The practical implications of this insight are debatable. It is plausible that Democrats may be able to gain working-class vote share by moderating on some social issues. But the precise electoral payoff of any single concession to popular opinion is deeply uncertain. Voters’ conceptions of each party’s ideological positioning are often informed less by policy details than by partisan stereotypes. And the substantive costs of moderation — both for the welfare of vulnerable constituencies and the long-term health of the progressive project — can be profound. At various points in the past half-century, it might have been tactically wise for Democrats to distance themselves from the demands of organized labor. But strategically, sacrificing the health of a key partisan institution to the exigencies of a single election cycle is deeply unwise. Meanwhile, in the U.S. context, the “mainstream” right has staked out some cultural positions that are profoundly unpopular with all social classes . In 2022, it is very much in the Democratic Party’s interest to increase the political salience of abortion rights.
In any case, exactly how Democrats should balance the necessity of keeping the GOP out of power with the imperative to advocate for progressive issue positions is something on which earnest liberals can disagree.
The case for progressives to be more cognizant of the diploma divide when formulating our messaging and policy priorities, however, seems clearer.
Education polarization can be self-reinforcing. As left-wing civic life has drifted away from mass-membership institutions and toward the ideologically self-selecting circles of academia, nonprofits, and the media, the left’s sensitivity to the imperatives of majoritarian politics has dulled. In some respects, the incentives for gaining status and esteem within left-wing subcultures are diametrically opposed to the requirements of coalition building. In the realm of social media, it can be advantageous to make one’s policy ideas sound more radical and/or threatening to popular values than they actually are. Thus, proposals for drastically reforming flawed yet popular institutions are marketed as plans for their “abolition,” while some advocates for reproductive rights insist that they are not merely “pro-choice” but “ pro-abortion ” (as though their objective were not to maximize bodily autonomy but rather the incidence of abortion itself, a cause that would seemingly require limiting access to contraception).
Meanwhile, the rhetoric necessary for cogently theorizing social problems within academia — and that fit for effectively selling policy reforms to a mass audience — is quite different. Political-science research indicates that theoretical abstractions tend to leave most voters cold. Even an abstraction as accessible as “inequality” resonates less with ordinary people than simply saying that the rich have too much money . Yet Democratic politicians have nevertheless taken to peppering their speeches with abstract academic terms such as structural racism .
Relatedly, in the world of nonprofits, policy wonks are often encouraged to foreground the racial implications of race-neutral redistributive policies that disproportionately benefit nonwhite constituencies. Although it is important for policy design to account for any latent racial biases in universal programs, there is reason to believe that, in a democracy with a 70 percent white electorate and widespread racial resentment, it is unwise for Democratic politicians to suggest that broadly beneficial programs primarily aid minority groups.
On the level of priority setting, it seems important for college-educated liberals to be conscious of the fact that “post-material” concerns resonate more with us than with the general public. This is especially relevant for climate strategy. Poll results and election outcomes both indicate that working-class voters are far more sensitive to the threat of rising energy prices than to that of climate change. Given that reality, the most politically viable approach to reducing emissions is likely to expedite the development and deployment of clean-energy technologies rather than deterring energy consumption through higher prices. In practice, this means prioritizing the build-out of green infrastructure over the obstruction of fossil-fuel extraction.
Of course, narrowing the social distance between college-educated liberals and working people would be even better than merely finessing it. The burgeoning unionization of white-collar professions and the growing prominence of downwardly mobile college graduates in working-class labor struggles are both encouraging developments on this front. Whatever Democrats can do to facilitate labor organizing and increase access to higher education will simultaneously advance social justice and improve the party’s long-term electoral prospects.
Finally, the correlation between material security and social liberalism underscores the urgency of progressive economic reform. Shared prosperity can be restored only by increasing the social wage of ordinary workers through some combination of unionization, sectoral bargaining, wage subsidies, and social-welfare expansion. To some extent, this represents a chicken-and-egg problem: Radical economic reforms may be a necessary precondition for the emergence of a broad progressive majority, yet a broad progressive majority is itself a precondition for radical reform.
Nevertheless, in wealthy, deep-blue states such as New York and California, Democrats have the majorities necessary for establishing a progressive economic model. At the moment, artificial constraints on the housing supply , clean-energy production, and other forms of development are sapping blue states’ economic potential . If such constraints could be overcome, the resulting economic gains would simultaneously increase working people’s living standards and render state-level social-welfare programs easier to finance. Perhaps the starting point for such a political revolution is for more-affluent social liberals to recognize that their affinity for exclusionary housing policies and aversion to taxation undermines their cultural values.
Our understanding of education polarization remains provisional. And all proposals for addressing it remain open to debate. The laws of political science are more conjectural than those of physics, and even perfect insight into political reality cannot settle disputes rooted in ideology.
But effective political engagement requires unblinkered vision. The Democratic Party’s declining support among working-class voters is a serious problem. If Democrats consider only ideologically convenient explanations for that problem, our intellectual comfort may come at the price of political power.
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